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Obama administration fingerprints on Ecuador coup attempt
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Kissinger, Argentina, 1976, fair use. By KEN GUGGENHEIM, Associated Press Writer WASHINGTON - While Argentina's military junta was suppressing dissidents in 1976, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger told the country's foreign minister, "If there are things that have to be done, you should do them quickly," according to a newly declassified document. The conversation left Argentine generals with the belief that Kissinger gave them "a carte blanche for the dirty war," said Carlos Osorio of the National Security Archives. The foreign policy research center obtained the documents that were being released Friday. But a former State Department official who attended Kissinger's meeting in June 1976 with Argentina's foreign minister, Adm. Cesar Augusto Guzzetti, said that view was "a distortion of history." "It's a canard," said William D. Rogers, vice chair of Kissinger's lobbying firm, Kissinger Associates. "The idea that he would tell another country to violate human rights quickly or slowly or under any circumstances is preposterous." Kissinger's office did not respond to a request for comment. He has denied condoning abuses. The documents revive the debate about Kissinger's relationship with military dictators in Latin America when he was secretary of state in the Nixon and Ford administrations. It was an era when military officers frequently toppled elected governments and brutalized dissidents, but were accepted by U.S. leaders as anti-communist allies. Argentina's military rulers seized power in a March 1976, beginning six years of rule in which they kidnapped, tortured and killed dissidents. The government says 8,900 people disappeared over that period; human rights groups put the figure around 30,000. Three months after the coup, Kissinger met Guzzetti while in Santiago, Chile, to attend an Organization of American States meeting. Detailed notes of the meeting were taken by Luigi Einaudi, a member of the State Department policy planning staff. Einaudi now is assistant secretary-general at the OAS. In an interview, Einaudi said his recollections of the meeting are vague after 28 years, but he doubts Kissinger would have said anything to condone abuses. Because of congressional pressure and public opinion, "the political reality was the United States could not put up with those kinds of abuses," he said. Kissinger told Guzzetti he wished his government well. "We wish it will succeed. We will do what we can to help it succeed," Kissinger said, according to Einaudi's account. Kissinger spoke of Argentina's problem in which "political, criminal and terrorist activities tend to merge without any clear separation." He said he understood the government's need to establish authority, "but it is also clear that the absence of normal procedures will be used against you." Kissinger said the United States could not help Argentina fight terrorism, but may be able to help economically. Guzzetti spoke of the need to "create disincentives to potential terrorist activities" and complained that outsiders did not understand Argentina's problems, Einaudi's notes show. Kissinger responded "as a friend," that "military governments are not the most effective in dealing with these problems." He noted problems in Chile, then led by Gen. Augusto Pinochet (news - web sites). "You will have to make an international effort to have your problems understood," Kissinger said. "Otherwise you too will come under increasing attack. If there are things that have to be done, you should do them quickly. But you must get back quickly to normal procedures." Previously declassified documents suggest that Argentine leaders took heart from the exchange. President Jorge Videla told U.S. Ambassador Robert Hill in that September that "Kissinger understood their problem and had said he hoped they could get terrorism under control as quickly as possible." "Videla said he had impression senior officer of (U.S. government) understood situation his govt faces, but junior bureaucrats do not," Hill wrote in a cable. Hill, who had repeatedly complained to Argentine officials about abuses, said he responded by stressing Kissinger's concern about human rights in Argentina. Osorio said the Kissinger-Guzzetti exchange makes clear why Videla believed abuses would be tolerated. "If you are standing in the position of the generals, that's (how) you would interpret it right away," he said. What was most striking was that Kissinger made no direct appeal to stop the abuses, Osorio said. Rogers said Kissinger had stressed at the OAS meeting that the United States would not tolerate abuses. Kissinger would not have contradicted those public statements during a private meeting, Rogers said. "That's fatal to diplomatic discourse." He said Guzzetti's English was shaky, which could have led to misunderstandings. Einaudi's notes say Guzzetti spoke Spanish to Kissinger, but it's not clear if Guzzetti used an interpreter to understand English responses.
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| Obama administration fingerprints on Ecuador coup attempt ... October 2010 -- |
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Using the standard CIA playbook on toppling
democratically-elected governments in Latin America, the Obama administration,
which was not happy with Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa's moves to increase
state control over oil companies in the nation and his decision to oust the
United States military from its airbase at Manta, appears to have suffered a
major defeat in the failed coup attempt in Ecuador by police officers and Air
Force personnel who were backed by rightist elements in the National Assembly
and business community. Correa was re-elected with an overwhelming majority last
year after he gave the U.S. military its walking papers from the Manta airbase.
The Pentagon and CIA have been working to topple Correa ever since by pumping
money into opposition political parties and other groups through NGOs funded by
the U.S. National Endowment for Democracy.
In a statement from Correa after his rescue from the Police Hospital in Quito by a military special operations team, the president warned of a larger conspiracy launched against him by his political opposition, saying the "attempt at destabilization is the result of a strategy that has been brewing for quite some time. A barrage of messages and misinformation have been given to the National Police, which today has been realized through violent actions from a conspiracy attempt." Correa's predecessor, the pro-U.S. Lucio Gutierrez, who is wedded to foreign oil company interests in the country, was accused by the government of covertly supporting the police and Air Force mutineers. Although Secretary of State Hillary Clinton issued a weak statement saying the United States backed Correa, it came one day after Clinton heaped praise on former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, the person who helped to craft the September 11, 1973 coup in Chile and the assassination of its progressive president Salvador Allende. In fact, Clinton and Obama had given military and political support to the right-wing junta that ousted democratically-elected progressive President Manuel Zelaya in Honduras in June 2009 and has fought against allowing the ousted democratically-elected president of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, to return to his country from exile in South Africa after the CIA-engineered coup against him in 2004. Clinton's tepid response to the attempted coup against Correa was in marked contrast to the strong denunciations of the attempted coup and messages of support for Correa that came from Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina, Peru, Mexico, Bolivia, Cuba, and Spain. And the fact that Correa, like Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, who was briefly ousted in an April 2002 coup organized by the CIA, was held as a virtual hostage at the Police Hospital in Quito for the greater part of a day provided a grim reminder of an old CIA tactic in staging coups in Latin America. Chavez was briefly held hostage on a Venezuelan island in the Caribbean while a U.S.-registered plane stood by to fly him into exile. In an emergency Latin American summit meeting in Argentina, Chavez saw the U.S. behind the events in Ecuador. He said, "The Yankee extreme right is trying right now, through arms and violence, to retake control of the continent." Chavez's own experience with a CIA backed coup and the June 2009 coup, supported by the Pentagon, CIA, and Mossad against his ally Zelaya in Honduras, makes him an expert on CIA and Mossad tactics in the region. Informed sources have told WMR that Correa and Chavez are currently comparing notes on the coups launched against them. Ecuadorian intelligence will be looking closely at the wereabouts of key CIA personnel stationed at the CIA station at the US embassy in Quito and a smaller CIA station within the US Agency for International Development (USAID) mission in Guayaquil. In the 2002 coup attempt against Chavez, the US embassy's top CIA and DIA officers were discovered to be helping to direct the coup from Venezuelan military installations. Clinton's State Department has been casting Ecuador in a bad light throughout the past two years, calling the country "difficult to do business in," the only real priority that the Obama administration cares about due to its total subservience to Wall Street and the fat cat bankers. The State Department's "Investment Climate Statement" for Ecuador states: "Ecuador can be a difficult place in which to do business. . . There are restrictions or limitations on private investment in many sectors that apply equally to domestic and foreign investors . . . A 2006 hydrocarbons law imposed new conditions in the petroleum sector that have been problematic for many companies, complicated by a 2007 decree that imposed additional restrictions. A 2008 mining mandate stalled mining activity, and a new Mining Law is expected in early 2009. Negotiations for a free trade agreement between the United State and Ecuador, which would have included investment provisions, stopped in April 2006. The current Government of Ecuador has not expressed interest in restarting negotiations." Correa's financial policies, as well as his foreign policy that saw him order out the American base at Manta and establish close ties with Venezuela, Iran, and other countries inimical to American and Israeli hegemony, placed a huge CIA and Mossad target on Correa's back. In June, Ecuador sponsored a resolution at the Organization of American State (OAS) summit in Lima condemning Israel's attack on the Turkish aid flotilla transporting humanitarian aid to Gaza. Ten nations voted with Ecuador in support of the resolution. The uprising among Ecuadorian Air Force ranks, with Air Force personnel taking over and shutting down Quito's international airport, will have Ecuadorian counter-intellligence personnel looking closely at the possible role of Israeli technicians and trainers who support the Air Force's 26 Israeli-made Kfir combat planes. Israel also reportedly sold Python-3 air-to-air missile to the Ecuadorian Air Force in 1997. Mossad also has its hooks into the Ecuadorian National Police, where the main coup plotters received support/ Mossad is chiefly tasked with spying on Ecuador's large Ecuadorian-Arab community. The activities of the Mossad station at the Israeli embassy in Quito before and during the coup attempt will also draw the attention of counter-intelligence officers. Last year, Tel Aviv-based On Track Innovations received a contract to provide an electronic biometric-based electronic identification card system to Ecuador's Central Registry Office.
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