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There have been countless genocides throughout history.  Why have the Zionists used the holocaust to steal Palestine and terrorize civilization.The videos below are for informational purposes only.  NFU does not necessarily agree with their views

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Red Cross report only 271,000 holocaust deaths below

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The Nazi's caused the death of 100's of thousands, not millions, and not in gas chambers.  Jews have used this ploy too long and at the expense of the lives of millions of Palestinians. A master plan for the creation of Israel.

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TrueDemocracy RED CROSS EXPOSES “JEWISH” HOLOCAUST HOAX: INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS (IRC) DOCUMENT CONFIRMS 271 THOUSAND NOT 6 MILLION DIED IN CONCENTRATION CAMPS

RED CROSS EXPOSES “JEWISH” HOLOCAUST HOAX: INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS (IRC) DOCUMENT CONFIRMS 271 THOUSAND NOT 6 MILLION DIED IN CONCENTRATION CAMPS
JUNE 4, 2012 BY ADMIN
The Great Jewish Lie Holocaust Truth Exposed Re-Post ]
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS RECORDS RELEASED
Sealed and guarded since the end of WWII at Arolsen, Germany, the Official IRC records reveal the actual Concentration Camp total death toll was 271,301
For years, people around the world – “the West” in particular – have been told that “six million Jews were systematically murdered by Germans in ‘Concentration Camps’ during World War 2.”
Thousands of honest people disputing this claim have been viciously smeared as a hateful anti-Semite. Several countries around the world have jailed and heavily fined people for disputing the claim that “6 Million” Jews were killed.
Provided here is a scanned image of an Official International Red Cross document, proving the so-called “Holocaust” the long-and-often-claimed-6-million Jews] is just plain wrong. Jews around the world have intentionally exaggerated and perpetually lied for the purpose of gaining political, emotional and business advantages for themselves.
They committed willful, criminal FRAUD upon millions of trusting people around the world!
Please NOTE that the truth has been known since long before 1979!!! The above compiler, replying to a letter, had to rely on information that was already in existence!!!
Tax-payers of Germany, Switzerland, Austria, Latvia, Poland and other nations have had multiple Millions of dollars taken from their wages to be paid out to “holocaust survivors” and their descendants for something that DID NOT HAPPEN.
The tax-payers of these United States of America spend Billion$ each year in direct, indirect and military support of the State of Israel (which is not Biblical Israel).
This is intentional, criminal fraud on a scale so massive as to be almost incomprehensible.
Red Cross and East German government figures put the total deaths at every camp as 272.000, and 282,000 respectively which includes homosexuals, communists, gypsies, murderers, paedophiles etc. The 6 Million figure is a Kabbalist number, a magickal figure which featured in news papers in the early 1900′s
Where do the innocent Germans, Americans and others go to get a refund?
I call for criminal prosecution of individuals and groups who filed false lawsuits to obtain holocaust reparations and financial damage awards and perpetrating deliberate fraud upon Courts.
I call for the removal of Holocaust references in History books and educational materials.
I call for the removal of Holocaust Memorials worldwide.
It is long overdue that this intentional fraud be halted and those who perpetrated it be brought to justice for over 60 years of National Blood Libel against Germany and other nations through vicious lies and financial fraud.
Two of the most important surveys of the Jewish question in Europe during World War II are David Irvings examination of the Russian archives after the wall came down. Irving published his findings in his book, “Hitler’s War” and said not one word about gas chambers.
When question about this omission he said that there was no reference to gas chambers in the archives and therefore he did not discuss the question of gas chambers. Irving was arrested in several countries for hate speech for his scholarly omission.
The International Red Cross published their analysis in a three volume “Report of the International Committee of the Red Cross on its Activities during the Second World War” published in Geneva in 1948. This analysis expanded findings of two previous publications: “Sur L’activite’ du CICR en faveur des civils detencus dans les camps de concentration en Allemagne 1939-1945 (Geneva, 1946) and “Inter Arma Caritas: The Work of the ICRF during the Second World War” (Geneva, 1947).
In 1949 the International Red Cross interviewed prisoners in the German camps. They were not allowed to interview prisoners in the Russian camps which were far more harsh.
The German camps held both political prisoners (Schutzhaflinge) and those convicted of crimes. The Germans allowed the Red Cross to distribute food, medicine and clothing to the prisoners.
Grateful prisoners sent letters of thanks from Dachau, Buchenwalk, Sangerhausen, Sachsenhausen, Oranienburg, Flossenburg, Landsberg-am-Lech, Fibha, Ravensbruck, Hamburg-Neuengamme, Mauthausen, Theresienstadt, Auschwitz, Bergen-Belsen and others.
“The principal recipients were Belgians, Dutch, French, Greeks, Italians, Norwegians, Poles and stateless Jews” (Vol. III, p. 83).
Regarding Theresienstadt, the Red Cross said, “”where there were about 40,000 Jews deported from various countries, was a relatively privileged ghetto” (Vol. III, p. 75).
“The Committee’s delegates were able to visit the camp at Theresienstadt (Terezin) which was used exclusively for Jews and was governed by special conditions … From information gathered by the Commmee, this camp had been started as an experiment by certain leaders of the Reich … These men wished to give the Jews the means of setting up a communal life in a town under their own administration and possessing almost complete autonomy … two delegates were able to visit the camp on April 6, 1945.
They confirmed the favourable impression gained on the first visit” (Vol. I, p. 642).
The ICRC also had praise for the regime of Ion Antonescu of Fascist Rumania where the Committee was able to extend special relief to 183,000 Rumanian Jews until the time of the Soviet occupation.
The aid then ceased and the ICRC complained bitterly that it never succeeded “in sending anything whatsoever to Russia” (Vol. II, p. 62). The same situation applied to many of the German camps after their “liberation” by the Russians.
The ICRC received a voluminous flow of mail from Auschwitz until the period of the Soviet occupation, when many of the internees were evacuated westward. But the efforts of the Red Cross to send relief to internees remaining at Auschwitz under Soviet control were futile.
However. food parcels continued to be sent to former Auschwitz inmates transferred west to such camps as Buchenwald and Oranienburg.
NO MENTION OF GAS CHAMBERS
One of the most important aspects of the Report of the ICRC is that it clarifies the true cause of those deaths that undoubtedly occurred in the camps towards the end of the war.
Says the Report: “in the chaotic condition of Germany after the invasion during the final months of the war, the camps received no food supplies at all and starvation claimed an increasing number of victims.
Itself alarmed by this situation, the German Government at last informed the ICRC on February 1, 1945 … In March 1945, discussions between the President of the ICRC and General of the S.S. Kaltenbrunner gave even more decisive results.
Relief could henceforth be distributed by the ICRC and one delegate was authorised to stay in each camp .I.” (Vol. III, p.83).
Clearly, the German authorities were at pains to relieve the dire situation as far as they were able.
The Red Cross are quite explicit in stating that food supplies ceased at this time due to the Allied bombing of German transportation, and in the interests of interned Jews they had protested on March 15, 1944 against “the barbarous aerial warfare of the Allies” (Inter Armet Caritns, p. 78). B
By October 2, 1944, the ICRC had warned the German Foreign Office of the impending collapse of the German transportation system, declaring that starvation conditions for people throughout Germany were becoming inevitable.
In dealing with this comprehensive, three-volume Report, it is important to stress that the delegates of the International Red Cross found no evidence whatsoever of ‘gas chambers’.
The original 1946 edition did not even talk of ‘extermination’ or ‘death camps’ but after the emotional impact of the Nuremberg trials the Red Cross felt compelled to introduce into the expanded 1948 Report several, very cursory references to ‘death camps’ (Vol. 1 p. 641) and ‘extermination camps’ (Vol. I p. 645).
However, no means of’extermination’ is indicated.
In all its 1,600 pages the three-volume Report does not even mention such a thing as a
‘gas chamber’. It acknowledges that Jews, like many other wartime nationalities, suffered rigours and privations, but’ its complete silence
on the subject of’gassings’ is ample refutation of the ‘Holocaust’ legend.
NOT ALL WERE INTERNED
Volume III of the Report of the ICRC, Chapter 3 (I. Jewish Civilian Population) deals with the “aid given to the Jewish section of the free population” and this chapter makes it quite plain that by no means all of the European Jews were placed in internment camps but remained, subject to certain restrictions, as part of the free civilian population.
This conflicts directly with the “thoroughness” of the supposed “extermination programme”, and with the claim in the forged Hoess memoirs that Eichmann was obsessed with seizing every single Jew he could lay his hands on,” In Slovakia, for example, where Eichmann’s assistant Dieter Wisliceny was in charge, the Report states that “A large proportian of the Jewish minority had permission to stay in the country, and at certain periods Slovakia was looked upon as a comparative haven of refuge for Jews, especially for those coming from Poland.
Those who remained in Slovakia seem to have been in comparative safety until the end of August 1944, when a rising against the German forces took place. While it is true that the law of May 15, 1942 had brought about the internment of several thousand Jews, these people were held in camps where the conditions of food and lodging were tolerable, and where the internees were allowed to do paid work on terms almost equal to those of the free labour market” (Vol. I, p. 646).
Not only did large numbers of the three million or so European Jews avoid internment altogether, but the emigration of Jews continued throughout the war, generally by way of Hungary, Rumania and Turkey. Ironically, post-war Jewish emigration from German-occupied territories was also facilitated by the Reich, as in the case of the Polish Jews who had escaped to France before its occupation.
“The Jews from Poland who, whilst in France, had obtained entrance permits to the United States were held to be American citizens by the German occupying authorities, who further agreed to recognise the validity of about three thousand passports issued to Jews by the consulates of South American countries” (Vol. 1, p. 645).
As future U.S. citizens, these Jews were held at the Vittel camp in southern France for American aliens. The emigration of European Jews from Hungary in particular proceeded during the war unhindered by the German authorities. “Until March 1944,” says the Red Cross Report, “Jews who had the privilege of visas for Palestine were free to leave Hungary” (Vol. 1, p. 648). Even after the replacement of the Horthy Government in 1944 (following its attempted armistice with the Soviet Union) with a government more dependent on German authority, the emigration of Jews continued.
The Committee secured the pledges of both Britain and the United States “to give support by every means to the emigration of Jews from Hungary, ” and from the U.S. Government the ICRC received a message stating that “The Government of the United States… now specifically repeats its assurance that arrangements will be made by it for the care of all Jews who in the present circumstances are allowed to leave” (Vol. 1, p. 649).
…………
Official International Red Cross Records Released
Sealed And Guarded Since The End Of WWII At Arolsen, Germany,
The Official IRC Records Reveal The Actual Concentration Camp Total Death
Toll Was 271,301
http://monamontgomery.com/products/271304.htm
***
The Source of the six million figure is a Talmudic (Jewish Talmud) reference to a future holocaust in which six million Jews die.
The reason why they are claiming six million deaths in Nazi camps, even though that number vastly exceeds the number of Jews in Europe at the time, is because this reference in their scripture is something they fear deeply and wish to prevent at all costs.
The Ashkenazi Jews, which I have experience with honestly believe that prophecy is real, but can be manipulated.
They believe that prophets see into the future, and see what was believed and said, and then write that down as much as they reveal the word of GOD.
SO there is a group of Ashkenazi Jews who wish to make the six million figure HISTORY to prevent it from ever happening in the FUTURE by repeating this number over and over and over into the social concience, in the hope that prophets of old will also latch onto this, and report it as a factual event in the future, which would now be history.
In other words, they believe they can lie themselves a new future. I don’t think so – I think their hardest days are ahead and one thing is certain, the genie is out of the bottle and through the word, the real truth of Fukushima may be like silly putty slowly sinking into the carpet, eventually it will be TOTALLY sunk in the carpet and nothing will get it out.
THIS could cause the six million Jewish deaths the prophecy speaks of, and No, I do not believe they can lie their way out of it.
Jewish Fraternity article
***
THE HOLOCAUST TRUTH: The Whole Truth ~ And Nothing but The Truth “Unlearn The Lies, Question Everything”
The truth about the Holocaust PT5?
David Irving # The Holocaust Truth, The Whole Truth ~ And Nothing but The Truth ]
DAVID IRVING: The HOLOCAUST TRUTH, The WHOLE TRUTH and NOTHING BUT THE TRUTH
Uncovering truths will often make you feel uncomfortable.
If you are open minded and not closed minded to truth then you will progress and learn. We must support this man’s right to speak and to have his work published. He has been hounded and beaten and labelled as a Nazi and Fascist, Accusations which are ridicules.
This man trawls through the detail of history and tells you what he has discovered.
The Ashkenazim Khazars, the ADL and the other Zionist groups and governments are desperately fighting to keep these facts under wraps. Remember enormous reparations are still being paid to Israel by Germany based on lies and exaggerated fables and legends. Of course people died in these camps, of course a lot of wrong doing took place, but facts are facts and not a single person was gassed, not one.
There is NO evidence to the contrary and plenty of evidence that these killings never took place. People died at these camps from Disease, starvation, ill treatment and execution. BUT NOT GASS. The 6 million figure is a gross exaggeration.
Red Cross and East German government figures put the total deaths at every camp as 272.000, and 282,000 respectively which includes homosexuals, communists, gypsies, murderers, paedophiles etc. The 6 Million figure is a Kabbalist number, a magickal figure which featured in news papers in the early 1900′s
http://www.biblebelievers.org.au/images/crucify2.jpg
http://s3.amazonaws.com/readers/2010/12/18/holocaustredcrossrecords_1.jp

Holocaust Survivor Redefines Anti-Semitism by freedomanddemocracy
http://youtu.be/vaEZZnW_MJo
The Foundations of Evil
Very few people are aware of the extent to which Jews were responsible for the Communization of Russia, first through organizing of the unsuccessful revolution of 1905, and then the later and successful Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. Both were heavily financed by outside Jewish financial and banking houses, and ultimately resulted in Jews assuming control of what had become the Russian Soviet Government. Concurrently, Jewish machinations in the United States, Germany and elsewhere helped set the stage for the take-over.
***
ADMIN NOTE:
A International Red Cross Document confirms that 271 thousand people died in the German Concentration camps during World War 2. Not 6 million Jews.
271 Thousand is a lot less than 6 million. And they weren’t all Jews.
At the True Democracy Party we knew there were Red Cross Stations at every Concentration Camp during World War II and were wondering how to locate the records.
This wouldn’t be easy because we also knew that the International Red Cross was created by the Rothschild’s and have always had Zionist Jewish leadership. And was one of the biggest scam jobs going on today, with a lot of the donated money going directly into the hands of Bankers.
But this document is Manna from Heaven. Jim Stone comes through again!
It proves the Massive Lie being spread by Zionist Jews and the Jewish controlled Mass Media. And shows how they have corrupted history, even in our schools and history books.
If I were Germany, I’d take this case to The International Court, and sue Israel for money Extorted from them as compensation for the 6 million Jewish deaths figure. France too!
This is plain Fraud and Extortion. And this document proves it. Plus the LIES!!

 

The Secret Holocaust The real holocaust was a Christian Holocaust by Jews of sixty-six million, mostly Christians.
The Secret Holocaust The real holocaust was a Christian Holocaust by Jews of sixty-six million, mostly Christians. By Eustace Mullins 7-8-9 The devastation of civilization to date by the rapacious hordes of Godless Communism, as well as their planned annihilation of all non-Jewish societies and political organizations, began to ravage the world in the nineteenth century. It has resulted in incredible suffering and death for many millions of Christian victims in many parts of the world. Yet as these Christian victims lie in their graves, unmourned and unknown, a new class of international citizens, (the creators of Marxist terrorism), profess to be the only "victims" who have endured suffering in the past one hundred and fifty years. They command the world to weep for them, because they control the world. These harbingers of terror claim to be "refugees", since they had no nation of their own, but infested the civilized societies in every part of the world for two thousand years, bringing with them, in every instance, disease and death. They have emerged from one shattered nation after another, not as refugees, but as the final victors, bearing away their loot, and scurrying through ports which they have created and which they alone know how to follow, until they come to another host nation. With them they bring, like the medieval Bubonic Plagues, (an infection which they were accused of spreading), a terrible contamination, an infestation which quickly spreads through the new host country, and fells all who become its victims. This plague is world Communism, and its known carriers, the furry scavengers who have found their way through the sewers into every civilized place, are the international Jews. We are asked to weep only for the Jews, and to ignore the many millions of actual victims of world terrorism in the past one hundred and fifty years, a chronicle of such horror that one scarcely can bear to put down this bloodstained record, not merely in fear that the world might put away its business in order to mourn these countless victims of international Communist terrorism, but that the tragic fate of these innocents, most of them women and children, is one of such pathos that one's heart could break from the full impact of its terrifying implications for everyone alive today. One of the first victims of the international financiers, shortly after publication of the Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx in 1848, was the Southern civilization of the United States. White immigrants had wrested from a hostile territory the means to create a gracious culture, one which the ruder and more unlettered sections of the new Republic could only gape at in admiration, an admiration, however, which soon turned to envy and then hatred. This hatred brought armies into the American South, bearing the terrorists who, unknown at that time, were the first Communist totalitarians determined to wreak their hatred and policies of annihilation on all civilized people. The Southerners were unfortunate enough to be the first victims. Military governments were set up in the conquered South, operating solely on the totalitarian concepts of Godless Communism, with courts functioning under martial law. The Southerners had been robbed of their Constitution, and of their rights to property and even to existence. Their homes were burned and looted, and savage hordes were unleashed to rape and pillage the properties which were occupied only by women and children. To deny the inherited rights of these Southerners, which were still their due under the laws of this nation, a brutal reign of terror, featuring Federal Judges, Federal Courts, and Federal Prisons, which were set up for the first time in any state of these United States. For those Southern patriots who dared to protest these outrages, Federal insane asylums were set up for those who were not executed on the spot. From New York, Jewish carpetbaggers, the Lehmans, the Baruchs, and other special emissaries of the Rothschilds, came to seize from the widows and orphans of the Confederate dead their last savings, their last possessions, and their devastated lands. The "Federal" power was absolute, for the military Reconstruction of the South was an occupation zone, and no democratic procedures were allowed the vanquished Southerners until they had been stripped of their last holdings. The impoverished survivors were forced to make a living by whatever pitiful means left to them. In Europe, too, the civilized nations were beset throughout the nineteenth century by successive wars and revolutions, which resulted in millions of Christian refugees. Modern history begins with the Congress of Vienna in 1815, when the Jews, unleashed from their ghettoes and bearing a tide of gold amassed by the Rothschilds through their instigation and financing of wars from 1775 to 1812, used their newly acquired wealth to subvert the established governments of Europe and to start them on their terrifying slide into oblivion. Their victims were helpless before their Jewish onslaught because they were Christians who believed that love for one's fellow man guides the affairs of the earth. And so it does, until Satan intervenes through his people. It was impossible for any Christian to believe that such bloodthirsty savages could exist among any civilized people. Nor could the Christians, believing in their religion of Christ's love for humanity, understand the virulent hatred which the Jew bore towards all of God's creatures and which is beyond the ken of any civilized human being. please bear in mind that above mentioned Congress of Vienna was made possible by the house of Romanov and that German nobility of Russia which Mr. Mullins presently tells were such blessing to Russia, and mankind in general] Only now, as the Christian peoples totter on the verge of worldwide annihilation by the Jewish master scheme, can some indication of the nature of the enemy begin to be seen. In the New Republic, April 13, 1983, it is noted that a Polish agitator, Adam Michnik, is accused of being a Zionist who is "prepared to torture patriotic opponents". In the same issue, we find that Jerry Urban wrote in a Polish journal that "the bloodthirstiness of Zionist doctrine and practice" must be opposed. Urban calls attention to "genocide in its Israeli edition", referring to the continued massacres of Arab women and children under the direction of fanatical Zionists in the notorious Rosh Hasahan Massacre, a religious celebration which served the dual purpose of Jewish ritual murder and the political goals of the world's most famous terrorist, Prime Minister Menachem Begin, who desires to murder every Arab man, woman and child in the territories which the Jews plan to annex and settle in the Middle East. Urban brings up a vital point in referring to the well known genocidal practices of the Israeli Government, suggesting that the Jews are now delighting in mass murder as a compensation for the myth that they quietly went to their "deaths" in the notorious "Holocaust" fantasy without resisting their Nazi "killers". The idea that the heretofore "passive" Jews are, for the first time in their history, learning to kill, belies the entire recorded history of this plague. There are too many well-documented massacres in history in which the Jews tortured and murdered their victims with the greatest glee, gloating in such barbaric practices of tearing out the hearts of women and children and smearing the blood on their faces, while the Jewish women ripped out the writhing entrails of their dying victims, wrapped the steaming evidences of their victory around their waists, and began the traditional Jewish dance of the Hatikvah as the celebration of their triumph over their vanquished foes. The Book of Esther records one of many such massacres of their victims by the Jews. ESTHER VIII:11: "Wherein the King granted the Jews which were in every city to gather themselves together, and to stand for their life, to destroy, to slay, and to cause to perish, all the power of the people and province that would assault them, both little ones and women, and to take the spoil of them for their prey." Thus a Jewish prostitute employed her power over the King to demand that he allow the Jews to massacre "both little ones and children", not merely in one town, but throughout the Kingdom, because "the Jews which were in every city", just as they are today. This Biblical story records the first instance of total war, in which women and children were to be slain, as opposed to the traditional military combat, in which professional soldiers, trained for this role, met on the battlefield to vie against each other, and to win or lose honorably in the field. This image of Esther was entitled, "A Talmudic Tale of Terror and Treachery" The Jews, as their million dollar a week apologists, Pat Robertson and Reverend Jerry Falwell, go to great pains to explain to us, did not have to fight on the battlefield to win territory, because God had promised them the Earth, and this "Sacred Promise" is the only law in the world today. It is to be hoped that at some point Falwell and Robertson will show us the actual documents on which this historic deed was recorded. Robertson praying, his hands in the familiar mana cornuta, international sign of Satan. To date, they ignore all questions about any proof of their fantastic claims on behalf of the Jews, and the millions keep rolling in. Despite the flagrant efforts of Falwell and Robertson on behalf of the Jewish world murder plan, the record shows that the Jew prefers to avoid the battlefield and the hazards of face to face combat, and to stealthily set up the massacres of helpless women and children. Such has been their history, and today, we have even seen it live on color television. It was the ingrained bloodthirstiness of the Jews which led them to select as their principal "religious" holiday, the Feast of Purim, which celebrates their massacre of the innocents. One of the most striking parts of this well known quotation from the Book of Esther, the only genuinely Jewish book of the Bible, and, for that reason, the only one in which God is not mentioned, is the revelation that the code word of the Jews to indicate their knowledge of the Jewish World Murder Plan, is their remembrance of their massacre of the innocents by their code phrase, "had a good day". Since that massacre, Jews have always offered this recognition phrase to each other, in Yiddish or in whatever language of the particular nation which they planned to take over, by saying, "Have a good day", meaning, of course, "We're looking forward to more massacres of the women and children of the goyim, or the gentile cattle." Women and children, easy victims in the recent assault on Gaza, 2008-2009. Now that the Jews have attained such enormous economic and political power in the United States, they have instructed all of their gentile employees in the vast networks of retail grocery, drug and apparel stores which they own throughout the United States that they must greet each customer by saying, "Have a good day." This apparently friendly and supposedly meaningless salutation lets the Jew in the know be tipped off that he is in a store owned by Jews, and that the owners are anticipating "having a good day" in the future by more slaughters of the innocent and helpless gentile women and children. The most important statement in the Book of Esther is the warning that "the fear of the Jews fell upon them." Today, the dark shadow of imminent tragedy looms over every Christian, because of their fear of the Jews, and because of their instinctive knowledge, like penned cattle in a slaughterhouse, that the Jew intends to kill them for his profit. Jacob Timerman, in an enlightening series of articles in the New Yorker magazine in 1982, said, "To understand the existence of the Other and then admit his existence without hatred is something new for Israel as a whole." The Other, of course, means the non-Jew, a person whom the Jew cannot see without hatred. Because of his savage nature, the Jew wishes only to kill him and drink his blood. It is this terrible desire which bars the Jew from peaceful existence in any civilized nation, and which has been solely responsible for the occasional but ineffective resistance which the intended Christian victims have offered in opposition to his murder plans. The Jew has only one purpose in the Middle East, and that is to murder all of the Arab inhabitants and to take their lands. The great scholar. Dr. Eric Bischoff, discovered this revelation in the official Jewish text of the Thikune Zohar, Edition Berdiwetsch, 88b, a book which, like all Jewish "religious" texts, is actually a code of cabalistic rituals detailing the instructions on how to murder the gentiles. "Furthermore," says the Thikune Zohar, "there is a commandment pertaining to the killing of strangers, who are like beasts. This killing has to be done in the lawful Jewish method. Those who do not bid themselves to the Jewish religious law must be offered up as sacrifices to the High God." From the historian's point of view, the Jewish world war against all Christians proceeds in an unbroken succession of events from ancient history, when Jewish prostitutes such as Esther persuaded rulers to destroy their own people at the whim of the Jews. Mayer Anselm Rothschild In 1773, Mayer Anselm Rothschild met with twelve leading Jews to plot the downfall of the emerging Christian nations in both the New World and the Old World. During the American struggle for independence, Rothschild founded his fortune on the money received by the Elector of Hesse in payment for the mercenaries whom he rented to the British in their attempt to crush the American colonists. The War of 1812 was instigated by the Rothschilds to force the renewal of their charter for the Bank of the United States. When this charter was vetoed by President Andrew Jackson in 1836, the Jews precipitated a financial panic and set up their plan to bring about the Civil War, which would simultaneously destroy the American Republic and despoil the wealthy Christian families of the South. The Communist Manifesto of 1848 set Europe ablaze with revolutions, wars and counter-revolutions. In August 1903, Max Nordau, in his address to the 6th Zionist Congress in Balse, Switzerland, revealed the plan for even greater conflagrations, the coming world wars: "Let me tell you the following words as if I were showing you the rungs of a ladder leading upward and upward ... The Zionist Congress; the English Uganda proposition; the future World War; the Peace Conference where, with the help of England, a free and Jewish Palestine will be created." Max Nordau, the man who dreamt of the deaths of 50 000 000 Christians. Onward and upward, over the bodies of fifty million more dead Christians this was Max Nordau's ecstatic vision of the coming World War, and so it came to pass. Professional historians have never been able to offer a satisfactory explanation of how the European nations became embroiled in the first World War. Jewish Revolutionary Gavrilo Princip shown being seized by police moments after mortally wounding Archduke Ferdinand and his wife. The assassination of Catholic Monarch ~ Crown Prince Franz Ferdinand ~ heir to the Austrian throne, was carried out by the Jewish assassin Gavrilo Princip using a Browning pistol on Jun. 28, 1914. The Zionist newspaper PEIEWISCHE VORDLE wrote on Jan. 13, 1919, "The international Jewry... believed it *necessary to force Europe into the war so that a new Jewish era could begin throughout the world. Arch-duke Ferdinand was assassinated by Gavril Princeps at Sarajevo; Austria demanded an apology from Serbia, Serbia apologized but Austria inexplicably declared war anyway.Max Warburg, Jewish advisor to the Kaiser who also helped fund the Jewish Bolshevik Revolution. He advised the Kaiser to go into WW1 so Zionists could push for an Israeli state. Both Warburg and Schiff were Rothschild agents. Warburg also arranged for Lenin to be transported through Germany to Russia in a sealed train to lead the conspirators to their Bolshevik triumph. Three Jewish advisers to Kaiser Wilhelm, Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg, Max Warburg and Albert Ballin, then had the Kaiser declare war, and the other nations were involved. Why ? To carry out the Zionist Jewish Plan. On February 8, 1920, Sir Winston Churchill expressed his alarm over world developments in an interview published in the Sunday Illustrated Herald, London: "From the days of Adam (Spartacus) Weishaupt, to those of Karl Marx to those of Trotsky, Bela Kun, Rosa Luxemburg and Emma Goldman. This worldwide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilization and for the reconstruction of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious malevolence and impossible equality, has been steadily growing. "There is no need to exaggerate the part played in the creation of Bolshevism and in the actual bringing about of the Russian Revolution by these international, and for the most part, atheistic Jews. It is certainly a very great one: it probably outweighs all others. With the notable exception of Lenin, the majority of the leading figures are Jews. Moreover, the principal inspiration and driving power comes from the Jewish leaders." Churchill referred, of course, to the overthrow of the Christian Orthodox Church in Russia and its replacement by a hateful gang of homicidal maniacs, whose unimaginable success was accomplished by the astute financial aid of Jacob Schiff to the Jewish revolutionaries, and by Max Warburg in Germany, who, at the crucial moment of the revolution in Russia, arranged for Lenin to be transported through Germany to Russia in a sealed train to lead the conspirators to their Bolshevik triumph. Jacob Schiff whose money bankrolled the Jewish Bolsheviks who were responsible for millions of Christian deaths and the overthrow of the Russian Christian Orthodox Church. Sea Lord Churchill was only too happy to perform a large scale blood-sacrifice at Gallipoli, using British soldiers as offering, so there is enough to worry about on his own plate ... had England not fomented and started that war, there would have been no reason for the German High Command to revolutionize and send Lenin and financing to Russia] An Orgy of Murder, Extreme Torture and Pillage The orgy of murder, torture and pillage which followed the Jewish triumph in Russia has never been equaled in the history of the world. For more than a thousand years, the White Russians, descendants of German settlers in Russia, had provided an economic climate in which Russia, the "breadbasket of Europe", had prospered. In a few days, this stable civilization vanished, perhaps never to return. The fortunate ones were those who recognized the peril in time to flee with nothing but the clothes on their backs. Those who dallied or sought to save others were shot down in mass executions persisting through the night, the constant rattle of machine guns muffled by the roar of truck engines raced at full throttle to drown the sound of the shots and the screams of the dying. Had you experienced the high standard of living in feudal Russia, perhaps, you would have a different opinion of this alleged prosperity. On March 13, 1917, Jacob Schiff sent Milyukov, new Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Bolshevik Revolutionary Government, and a personal friend of Schiff, a telegram reproduced in the New York Times, April 10, 1917: "Allow me, as the irreconcilable enemy of the tyrannical autocratic government which pitilessly persecuted our co-religionaires, to congratulate through your intermission the Russian people for what they have so brilliantly accomplished, and to wish success to your comrades in government and to yourself." The issue also reproduces Milyukov's enthusiastic reply, "We are one with you in our hatred and antipathy for the old regime which is overthrown." idiot ! the czar only abdicated on March 15, the Bolsheviks did not come to power until November, and Milyukov had no part in their government, but was running fast as he could] The T'zar's exquisite daughters. At first, the girls did not die because of the jewels sewn into their corsets. These jewels were for protection but also so that the family could have some money for when they fled the country. The shooters were horrified at how the girls were able to withstand the bullets and feared that the family really was in power due to Divine Right (the idea that Kings and Queens are placed on the throne by God). To solve that problem, the shooters tried to stab them with bayonets. That failed, too, because of the jewels, so then, they were shot in the head at close range. The key word here is "hatred". The Jews were free to indulge their most fervent fantasies of mass murder of helpless victims. Christians were dragged from their beds, tortured and killed. Some were actually sliced to pieces, bit by bit, while others were branded with hot irons, their eyes poked out to induce unbearable pain. Others were placed in boxes with only their heads, hands and legs sticking out. Then hungry rats were placed in the boxes to gnaw upon their bodies. Some were nailed to the ceiling by their fingers or by their feet, and left hanging until they died of exhaustion. Yakov (Yankel) Mikhailovich Yurovsky is best known as the chief executioner of Russia's last emperor, Tsar Nicholas and his family after the Russian Revolution of 1917. Others were chained to the floor and hot lead poured into their mouths. Many were tied to horses and dragged through the streets of the city, while the mob attacked them with rocks and kicked them to death. Mothers were taken to the public square and their babies snatched from their arms. A Red terrorist would take a baby, hold it by the head, head downward, and demand that the Christian mother deny Christ. If she would not, he tossed the baby into the air, while another member of the mob rushed forward to catch it on the tip of his bayonet. Pregnant Christian women were chained to trees and their babies cut out of their bodies. There were many places of public execution in Russia during the days of the Revolution one of which was described by the American Rohrbach Commission, (Defender Magazine, October, 1933): "The whole cement floor of the execution hall of the Jewish Cheka of Kiev was flooded with blood; it formed a level of several inches. It was a horrible mixture of blood, brains and pieces of skull. All the walls was bespattered with blood. Pieces of brains and of scalps were sticking to them. A gutter of 25 centimeters wide by 25 centimeters deep and about 10 meters long was along its length full to the top with blood. "Some bodies were disemboweled, others had limbs chopped off, some were literally hacked to pieces. Some had their eyes put out the head, face and neck and trunk were covered with deep wounds. Further on, we found a corpse with a wedge driven into its chest. Some had no tongues. In a corner we discovered a quantity of dismembered arms and legs belonging to no bodies that we could locate." We already know of the glee with which Jacob Schiff and other Jewish bankers greeted the news that their co-religionaires in Russia were now engaged in the favorite Jewish practice of mass murder, but what of American government officials, who were well-informed by a number of intelligence sources about these atrocities? The satanic Communist Chekists took pleasure in brutally torturing their victims- Many of who were Roman Catholics: The priests in Kherson were crucified. Archbishop Andronnikov of Perm had his eyes poked out and his ears and nose cut off. There were Chekists who cut open their victim's stomach, pulled out a length of small intestine, nailed it to a telegraph pole, and with a whip forced the victim to run circles around the pole until the whole intestine became unraveled. Eyes of Church dignitaries were poked out, their tongues cut off, and they were buried alive. The Bishop of Voronezh was boiled alive in a big pot, after which monks, revolvers at their heads, were ordered to drink. In Kharkov people were scalped. In Tsaritsyn and Kamyshin peoples hands were amputated with a saw. In Poltava and Kremchug the victims were impaled. In Odessa they were roasted alive in ovens or ripped to pieces. In Kiev, victims were placed in coffins with decomposing bodies and buried alive. We have at least one record of a public response by a prominent government official, Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States. On April 2, 1917, Wilson, after learning of these atrocities, went before the Congress of the United States and said, The elegant Romanov family was assassinated within minutes of this photo being taken. "The autocracy that crowned the summit of Russia's political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great generous Russian people have been added in all their naive majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor." Wilson's goofy reference to the "non-Russian" nature of the Czar's government referred to the fact that the Czars were descendants of Germans who had settled in Russia one thousand years earlier. The oldest dynasty in Europe, the Russian aristocracy, was denounced by the Communist propagandist Wilson as being "non-Russian! One wonders how Wilson would have described his own origins, a President of the United States whose family had been in the United States less than a hundred years, and whose racial and geographical origins remain a matter of considerable speculation. Wilson apparently believed that the thousand years the Romanovs had lived in Russia did not qualify them for Russian citizenship, but they were replaced by Communists who not only were Russians, but who belonged to no nation of this earth. The Overman Committee in 1919 published a report of its findings which are pertinent to this subject. Titled, "Bolshevik Propaganda Hearing Before the Sub-Committee of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 65th Congress," it records the testimony of Dr. George A. Simons, former superintendent of the Methodist Missions in Russia, from which we briefly quote: "We were told that hundreds of agitators had followed in the trail of Trotsky-Bronstein, these men having come over from the lower east side of New York. Some of them, when they learned that I was the American pastor in Petrograd, stepped up to me and seemed very much pleased that there was somebody who could speak English, and their broken English showed that they had not qualified as being real Americans. "A number of these men called on me and were impressed with the strange Yiddish element in this thing right from the beginning, and it soon became evident that more than half the agitators in the so-called Bolshevik movement were Jews. I have a firm conviction that this thing is Yiddish, and that one of its bases is found in the east side of New York. "The latest startling information, given me by someone with good authority, is this, that in December, 1918, in the northern community of Petrograd ~ that is what they call the section of the Soviet regime under the Presidency of the man known as Apfelbaum (Zinoviev) ~ out of 388 members, only 16 happened to be real Russians, with the exception of one man, a negro from America who calls himself Professor Gordon. "I was impressed with this, Senator, that shortly after the great revolution of the winter of 1917 there were scores of Jews standing on the benches and soap boxes, talking until their mouths frothed, and I often remarked to my sister, 'Well, what are we coming to anyway. This all looks so Yiddish.' Up to that time we had very few Jews, because there was, as you know, a restriction against having Jews in Petrograd, but after the revolution they swarmed in there and most of the agitators were Jews. "I might mention this, that when the Bolshevik came into power, all over Petrograd, we at once had a predominance of Yiddish proclamations, big posters and everything in Yiddish. It became very evident that now that was to be one of the great languages of Russia; and the real Russians did not take kindly to it." A widely known French journal, "L'Illustration", of September 14, 1918, commented, "When one lives in contact with the functionaries who are serving the Bolshevik Government, one feature strikes the attention, which, is almost all of them are Jews. I am not at all anti-Semitic; but I must state what strikes the eye: everywhere in Petrograd, in Moscow, in provincial districts, in commissariats, in district offices, in Smolny, in the Soviets, I have met nothing but Jews and again Jews.' "The more one studies the revolution the more one is convinced that Bolshevism is a Jewish movement which can be explained by the special conditions in which the Jewish people were placed in Russia." The Overman Report explains why Woodrow Wilson was so happy that the "non-Russian" Romanovs, intruders who had only lived in Russia for one thousand years, had been replaced by violent overthrow of their government by Yiddish speaking Jews from the lower East Side of New York, but who, being Wilson's own kind, were now to be hailed by the government of the United States as mass murderers who were "a fit partner for a League of Honor." One can only conjecture whether Wilson, who was never examined for mental problems despite his many erratic actions culminating in his final breakdown, did not long to be there with his co-religionaires, a League of Honor which pleasured itself by ripping babies out of their mothers' wombs, walking knee deep in the blood of their victims, ripping out an eye here, a tongue there, hacking off a leg or an arm, in short, trying to be impartial in dealing out Jewish "justice" to the "non-Russian autocrats" whose only fault was that they had been too stupid and too easy-going to protect their homes and families against the invasions by the Jewish terrorist until it was too late. Alexander Solzhenitsyn relates that some sixty-six million "real Russians" have been murdered since the Bolshevik Revolution at the hands of the Yiddish revolutionaries, and now two hundred million citizens of the United States await their turn in the abattoirs of the bloodthirsty Zionist terrorists. Rev. Denis Fahey, in his book, "The Rulers of Russia", exposed the real names of many of the Jewish terrorists who operated the Soviet murder machine in Russia. Trotsky was Bronstein, Martov was Zederbaum, Zinoviev was Apfelbaum, Kamenev was Rosenfeld, Parvus was Helphand, Bohrin was Nathanson, and so on. Many of the White Russians fled towards the Pacific, from Vladivostock to the Port of Dairen. The Russian women, who had presided over the most gracious palaces known to European civilization, were forced to turn to prostitution to find bread for their starving children; others, finding the degradation unbearable, committed suicide or slowly starved to death. Decades after the Russian Revolution, some of the White Russian women could still be found in houses of prostitution in Shanghai, Peking and Tokyo. The male survivors of the Marxist Terror, many of them highly cultured scholars, philosophers and scientists, found no means of support from their highly specialized talents in the harsh Asiatic world of the refugee. One Russian General was seen pulling a rickshaw as a coolie in Shanghai for a few days; he later hung himself in his barren room. Those who survived the initial Terror in Russia were fated for an even harsher death, a slow agonizing one as a prisoner in a Jewish operated concentration camp. For many years the Jews, through their total control of the media in Christian nations, prevented any word of the horrors which they daily perpetrated on Christians in Soviet Russia from reaching the outside world. Finally one victim, who had survived a sentence in a concentration camp, Alexander Solzhenitsyn, reached safety. In his book, "The Gulag Archipelago", he informed an incredulous world that the blood-maddened Jewish terrorists had murdered sixty-six million victims in Russia from 1918 to 1957! Solzhenitsyn cited Cheka Order No. 10, issued on Jan. 8, 1921: "To intensify the repression of the bourgeoisie." It was this order on which the establishment of the terrible Siberian camps, Kolyman and many others was based. Solzhenitsyn also brought to the Christian world the names of the mass murderers who ran these camps. All of them were Jews. Typical was one Lazar Kogan, who watched thousands of slave laborers die during his stint as boss of the White Sea Canal construction. He would sometimes remark to a new prisoner, "I believe that you personally were not guilty of anything. But, as an educated person, you have to understand that social prophylaxis was being widely applied." "Social prophylaxis" was one of the vicious Jewish phrases which they used as euphemisms for their massacre of the Christians. Their victims, once they were consigned to the camps, were no longer considered human, as the Jews considered all others to be non-human. They were known simply by the nickname of "zeks", slang for "zakluchenny", which means "prisoner" in Russian. The Jews were given another opportunity to massacre helpless Christians during the Spanish Civil War. Ernest Elmhurst states in "World Hoax", p. 157, "Of no less significance was the transfer of Soviet Russia's former peace delegate at Geneva ~ the Jew Rosenberg (Moses Israelsohn) with his staff of 140 members to the office of Ambassador to Spain in August of 1936." This cadre of highly trained specialists in torture and murder passed over a reign of terror which was largely ignored by the rest of the world, because the journalists covering the Spanish War, Ernest Hemingway and many others, were themselves sympathetic to the Communists and they sought only to discredit the Spanish patriots, the "Fascists" as they contemptuously termed them. The Rosenberg murder teams were called "World Revolutionary Movement Purification Squads." Their "purification" consisted mainly of massacres of priests, nuns, choirboys and women and children as is so well described in the Book of Esther and the occasion of the Jewish celebration of the Feast of Purim. Arthur Bryant, in his well-documented "Communist Atrocities in Spain", tells of one murder squad which went to the Dominican Convent in Barcelona and informed the Mother Superior that "because of possible mob violence" the nuns should accompany the squad to a place of safety. They were then taken to the suburbs and murdered. Their Jewish leader commented, "We needed the building. We didn't want to muss it up before we occupied it." E.M. Godden, in "Conflict in Spain," says on p. 72, "During the last week of July, 1936, the bodies of nuns were exhumed from their graves and propped up outside the walls of their convents. Obscene and offensive placards were attached to their bodies." In Madrid, it was estimated that one tenth of the population of Spain was murdered by the Communist Jews by 1939. De Fonteriz in "Red Terror in Madrid" tells how Cheka crews organized by Dimitrov and Rosenberg carried out a program of torture and murder so obscene that it cannot be repeated or described. To further their World Murder Plan, the Jews have occasionally allowed a few of their numbers to be sacrificed. This was brought out at the meeting in Rothschild's home in 1773, when it was stated, "But it has paid us even though we have sacrificed many of our own people. Each victim on our side is worth a thousand Goyim." What the speaker meant was that if one Jew happens to be killed, he will be avenged by the death of one thousand Christians, or "cattle" as the Christians are derisively referred to by the Jewish cult. The speaker went on to point out to his rapt listeners that "We are interested in just the opposite ... in the diminution, the killing out of the Goyim." The record of this meeting in Rothschild's house survived how? Certainly. no murder plan had ever previously been so meticulously laid out or so precisely put into operation. The figures are in, and they are indisputable; fifty million victims in World War I; a hundred and fifty million victims in World War II; sixty-six million Christians murdered by Jewish fanatics in Russia since the success of the Bolshevik Revolution. Many, if not the majority, of these victims of Jewish terrorism were women and children. Millions of them perished of starvation and exposure in campaigns of Communist expulsion from their homes. Typical was the expulsion of the Sudeten Germans from Czechoslovakia after World War II, during which more than one million Germans died, and the expulsion of the Germans from Poland, a horrifying trek which cost the lives of two million Germans. The Jews especially delighted in the deaths of these millions of Christian refugees, since the manner of their death fulfilled the most cherished doctrine of the Jewish hatred of all Christians -~ that non-Jews, being considered as non-humans or cattle, in the Jewish term "Goyim", are not to be buried. This is a violation of Jewish law, which prohibits "animals" from being buried. These millions of Christian refugees lay where they fell during their terrible Communist expulsions, and never received Christian burial. Early in World War II, the Communist delighted in the opportunity to indulge in their favorite sport of mass murder. During the first days of the war, 15,000 Polish officers, who were the flower of the nation, were captured. They were taken to three Jewish operated Communist camps, Starobiesk, Kozielsk, and Ostashkov. Only 448 were ever seen alive again. The rest vanished, but not without trace. The Kozielsk camp was situated in the grounds of a former Orthodox monastery, five miles from the Kozielsk railway station in this camp, about 5000, were sent away in small groups, the process continuing until April, 1940. Parfeon Kisselev said that in the spring of 1940 prisoners were brought to Katyn Forest in three or four buses daily. >From his house he heard shots and shouts. It was rumored that 10,000 Poles were shot there. When the German Army occupied the area in 1943 an investigation was begun. The Final Report of the German Police dated June 10, 1943, states that, "It was proved that, without exception, death was caused by a shot in the back of the neck. The seven mass graves of murdered Polish officers which have been cleared cover a relatively small area. >From the translation of diaries, of memoirs and other notes found with the bodies, it was proved that the officers who had been taken prisoner by the Soviet Army in 1939 were sent to various camps: Kozielsk, Starobielsk, Ostashkov, Putiviel, Bolotov, Pavlishcev Bor, Shepyetovka, Gorodok. "The majority of those killed in Katyn Forest had been in the Kozielski camp. From the end of March, until the first day of May, 1940, the prisoners from Kozielsk arrived by rail. The exact dates cannot be established. A few short intervals apart, a batch left almost every day; the number of prisoners varied between 100 and 300 persons. "Thence, in the early morning, the prisoners proceeded in special Lorries to the Katyn Forest. There the officers were immediately shot, thrown into the waiting graves and buried, as may be seen from the evidence of witness Kisselev, who has seen the ditches being prepared. That the shooting took place immediately after the arrival of a batch of prisoners is proved by witnesses who heard shots after every such arrival. "There was no accommodation in the forest apart with the rest house, which has a limited capacity. From the position of the bodies it may be assumed that the majority were murdered outside the graves. Very many of the dead men had their hands tied behind their backs. The evidence of witnesses confirms that access to the forest was forbidden. Voss, Secretary of the Field Police." Professor Butz's Report stated, "Documents found on the victims (identity cards ~ but not military passports ~ diaries, letters, postcards, calendars, photographs, drawings, etc. gave the names, age, profession, origin and family relations of the victims. Pathetic entries in the diaries testify to the treatment of the victims by the NKVD. "Letters and postcards from relatives in Upper Silesia, in the 'General Government' and in the Russian-occupied zone, written, to judge the post office stamps, between Autumn, 1939, and March or April, 1940, clearly point to the time of the crime (spring, 1940)." The Katyn Case came before the Nuremberg tribunal as part of the general trial of German "war criminals", the Soviets having claimed this atrocity had been committed by the Germans. Although it was on the agenda, the Soviets omitted it from the judgment, nor was any Pole allowed to testify about it. Mr. G.F. Hudson wrote in the quarterly, "International Affairs", "The unquiet dead of Katyn still walk the earth." In subsequent years, a number of Congressmen have sought to reopen the case, including Hon. George A. Dondero, Hon. Ray Madden and others. A U.S. Congressional Select Committee, 2 July 1952, reported that "The committee unanimously agrees that evidence dealing with the first phase of its investigation proves conclusively and irrevocably that the Soviet NKVD (People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs) committed the massacre of Polish Army officers in the Katyn Forest near Smolensk, Russia, not later than the spring of 1940. "The committee further concludes that the Soviets had plotted this criminal extermination of Poland's intellectual leadership as early as the fall of 1939 ~ shortly after Russia's treacherous invasion of the Polish nation's borders. There can be no doubt that this massacre was a calculated plot to eliminate all Polish leaders who subsequently would have opposed the Soviets' plan for communizing Poland." The end of World War II gave the Communists the opportunity to wreak revenge on all who had opposed them during the war. As a result, from two to five million victims were massacred by Jewish terrorists in France, Italy, Czechoslovakia, and other countries in which the Communists were allowed by their Allies to murder at will all anti-Communists or "Fascists". The Sunday Oklahoman shed some light on this horror, Jan. 21, 1973, "Document tells Allied Part in Deaths of Thousands": "A former White House consultant has provided the Sunday Oklahoman with a secret document exposing for the first time what appears to be Allied complicity in the deaths of thousands of unsuspecting, liberated prisoners of war and displaced persons after World War II. "The document, a 10-page British Army report, is believed to be part of voluminous Anglo-American files on the forcible repatriation to the Soviet Union of an estimated 2 to 5 million unwilling anti-Communists between 1944 and 1948. The files, codenamed Operation Keelhaul, are still kept under tight security in London and Washington as virtually the last major secret of World War II. "The secret British report summarizes one repatriation operation in Italy in which Russian POWs and DIs were turned over to the Red Army and almost certain execution after being duped by the British into believing they would be given asylum in the West. It tells of the agony and the horror experienced by the prisoners." The leading criminal in this mass execution of two to five million anticommunists was ~ who else ~ our grinning Ike, head of the European sector for the Allied armies, or, as you may know him, our former President, Eisenhower. The crime of Operation Keelhaul was not on the agenda at Nuremberg. To finance the State of Israel which was created as a direct result of the Jewish victory over the Christian nations in World War II, Jews, who had committed all the atrocities, now imposed enormous "reparations" demands on the conquered German people. To date, they have extorted more than thirty-five billion dollars from German workers, money which has been collected at the points of bayonets, not Jewish bayonets, but the bayonets of the American Army, which has been maintained as an occupying force in West Germany for nearly four decades, solely to provide military power behind the puppet German Government, which has as its primary function the furnishing of money for the parasitic State of Israel. Some twenty years after World War II, the Jews began to fear that scholars might focus on the terrible massacres of women and children during that war by armies directed by the Jews. The incineration of thousands of families by mass fire-bombings of the cities of Cologne, Hamburg, Berlin, Dresden and other European cultural centers; the firestorms which killed many thousands of families in Tokyo; as well as the nuclear holocausts unleashed on civilian populations at Hiroshima and Nagasaki in the last days of the Japanese War, when the Imperial Staff was already suing for peace (the Jews did not want to lose this opportunity to test their new Jewish Hell-Bomb on human targets); these and their numerous other war crimes, began to concern the Jews. Their guilt was inescapable; it seemed a mere matter of time until their crimes would call down retribution on their heads. To forestall this possibility, the Jews began a furious campaign of their own; a highly synchronized and coordinated worldwide campaign publicizing their new myth, the "Holocaust", in which six million Jews were said to have been burned. Six million Jews were also said to have been gassed. Whether this meant there were actually twelve million Jews "killed" no one seems to know. That holocausts, or mass murders by fire, occurred during World War II was a matter of historical record. There existed photographs of stacks of burned corpses, which had been made in Cologne, Hamburg, and Dresden after the mass fire-bombing of those cities by Allied aircraft. The problem the Jews faced was that there had been no holocausts of Jewish victims during World War II, nor were there any photographs of burned Jewish bodies. Not to worry ~ the Jews simply appropriated the photographs of the bodies of their German victims, which are exhibited today in gruesome "museums" in Germany as exhibits of dead Jews. It was a matter of record that the Jews had actually done quite well during World War II. In Germany, incredible sagas of bribery and corruption on the home front had secured the mass evacuation of all Jews from German cities just before the fire bombings began. When entire German families perished amid scenes of unspeakable horror, the Jews were safely ensconced in comfortable quarters in such refugee camps as Auschwitz. The ultimate testimony as to their rescue by being segregated in these remote camps, far from the danger of the mass bombing raids, comes from ~ who else ~ the Jews themselves. As they never cease to assure us ~ they "survived". Although they survived amid scenes of genocide or massacres of non-Jews in many countries, they realized several decades later that it was necessary for their purposes to claim that they had been "exterminated". The protection camps in which they had been safely segregated by the Germans during World War II now became "death camps". Not only were they death camps, but they were camps such as Auschwitz, memorialized in the Atlantic Monthly, Sept. 1981, as having "its own soccer stadium, its own library, its own photo lab, and its own symphony orchestra." The same article proudly boasts that "the hospital at Auschwitz grew to considerable size, with about twenty doctors and more than three hundred nurses." This was a "death camp?" The fact was that there was not a single German military field hospital near any combat front as sizeable or as well-equipped as the hospital at the "death camp" of Auschwitz, yet Auschwitz is always cited by the Jews as the place were millions of Jews were "put to death". The purpose of the large modern hospital has never been satisfactorily explained, since the Jews now claim that within hours after arriving at Auschwitz, the Jews were hurried to the "gas chambers". This claim might have more validity had it not been for one unfortunate oversight by the Jews ~ they did not build the gas chambers at Auschwitz until after World War II had ended. lmost forty years after the war, in which"six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis", as they claim, there are annual festivals, conventions, and other mass gatherings of many thousands of the "survivors of the death camps". Even more peculiar, hardly any of these prosperous, healthy and well fed "victims" claims to have been the survivor of only one "death camp". Nearly all of them claim to have been a prisoner in five or six of the camps, this at a time when Germany, fighting a two front war, could not keep its troops supplied in the combat areas. The Jews ask us to believe that every few months they were transferred from one camp, put on a train and carried hundreds of miles to another "death camp" to be killed, and then a few months later, apparently not having been killed, they were entrained to yet another "death camp", where they remained without being harmed until the end of the war. The reason for the otherwise inexplicable claims of the Jewish "Survivors" that they were in many different "death camps" is revealed by a simple explanation, "gelt". The "survivors" regularly receive monthly payments from the conquered Germans. "Garfinckel" receives a monthly payment in Israel from Germany because he was a prisoner in Auschwitz. "Rosenfeld" receives a monthly payment from Germany in Israel because he was a prisoner in Treblinka. "Steinberg" receives a regular monthly payment in Israel from Germany because he was a prisoner in Dachau. Garfinckel, Steinberg, and Rosenfeld ~ you don't know them? He's the same fat, grinning Jew you saw in the news coverage of the Holocaust convention. "BEWARE OF THE FABLES OF THE JEWS". Titus 1:14. The Myth of the Holocaust or the "vanished six million Jews" is not solely a matter of collecting revenue from defeated enemies. It is also one of the most powerful weapons of propaganda in the hands of the Jews in their drive for total world power. Today, all officials seeking to continue in office or to seek higher office in the United States must not only make a ritual pledge of eternal and unquestioning faith in the Myth of the Holocaust. To question the Myth of the Holocaust means a challenge to the Jewish world dictatorship, and it must be punished at once by the most severe sentence. Thus the most fantastic elaborations on the basic lie of the "Six million" appear regularly on American religious programs, in educational books, and in the press. Among the rare public figures who have dared to question the Myth of the Holocaust are such individualists as the actor Robert Mitchum, who told an Esquire interviewer, in response to a question about "the six million", "So the Jews say." "So the Jews say?" shrieked the horrified interviewer. "Yeah," growled Mitchum, "so the Jews say." Another actor, Ronald Reagan, while seeking public office, told a Jewish audience in California that "It might help your cause if you would limit your claims of victims to numbers that you could actually prove." A reporter noted that "the audience began to hiss like geese, in a rapidly rising cacophony while the aspiring politician dashed to the wings, never to reappear in the particular auditorium." Whatever Reagan's doubts about "the six million", he has since kept them to himself. The Reagan Administration will be remembered for the ultimate enshrinement of "the final solution". Two government buildings on the Washington Mall have now been given by "our government" to the Jews for a "Holocaust Memorial". The Washington Mall, like the Roman Forum, is the center of American aspirations for our Republic, and runs from the White House to the Capital with its principal adornment the magnificent Washington Monument. To the consternation of most Americans, the Washington Monument can now be called "Jew Alley". Many native Washingtonians have begun to express criticism of this amazing development. In the Washington Post, April 25, 1983, William Raspberry writes on the editorial page, "I simply don't understand it." He points out that although this is to be an official American monument; neither the perpetrators nor the victims were Americans. He quotes a Howard University professor as wondering why there shouldn't be a Slavery Memorial on the Mall to honor the memory of the slaves, or a Wounded Knee Memorial for the Indians. What he doesn't say is that the erection of a Jewish Memorial on the Washington Mall is a boast of absolute power, that the Jews have achieved absolute power over their goyim slaves in America. We can understand that there is a huge memorial to Karl Marx erected in Red Square in Moscow. Are we incapable of understanding why a memorial to the Jews is erected on the Washington Mall? Raspberry, who is black, goes on to tweak the big noses of his Jewish employers, the Meyer family who own the Washington Post, by saying that "a pledge that nothing of this sort will ever be permitted to happen again" worries him, because it is happening right now. He doesn't mention the obvious example, the Rosh Hashanah Massacre of Arab women and children in Lebanon, but of course Raspberry fails to understand two crucial factors; first, that "it" never happened at all, and second, that the Jews are attempting to place the rest of the world on notice that "the Chosen People" are sacred, and that no one must ever harm a hair on their heads. It's quite all right to massacre all the goyim or non Jewish cattle, in Cambodia, Vietnam, Africa, or Lebanon; this has nothing to do with the "sacred" presence of the Jew. "Never Again?" the well-publicized slogan of the Jews which refers to the Myth of the Holocaust, should more properly be "Never", meaning that not only did it never happen but that it is all right for the Jews to massacre the gentile cattle whenever it suits their purposes, because the Myth of the Holocaust gives carte blanche to the Jews to kill as many gentiles as possible, "The diminution, the killing out of the Goyim," as old Anselm so lustfully put it, because it is obvious that the more gentiles that are killed, the fewer remain alive as a possible threat to the Jews. The Myth of the Holocaust is interpreted by the Jews as giving them permission to maintain international murder squads whose assassins routinely carry out executions in every country of the world, not only against "enemies of Israel", but also against those who are merely suspected of being "potential enemies of Israel". It pays to be careful. In no country are the murder squads of the Mossad, the Israeli Intelligence Service, given greater freedom than in the United States. Cooperation with the Jewish assassins is the first line of business for the CIA, the FBI, and the IRS. The Mossad routinely gives these government agencies lists of American individuals on its hate lists, who are to be given "special attention". These lists comprise more than half of all the IRS "special audits" of American citizens. Despite the frenetic cooperation of official American bureaus with the Israeli assassins, the favor is rarely returned. The Jews treat the American goyim with justifiable contempt, and rarely lose an opportunity to spit in their faces. Our Marines soon found this out in Lebanon, when the Israeli soldiers routinely threatened them, offensively cut across Marine lines, and shot at them. Menachem Begin's political stance at the present time is to maintain a strong Israeli military presence in Lebanon, despite President Reagan's frequent whines that the Israelis really ought to pull out of that war torn country. At these requests, the Israelis responded with the assassination of President Gemayel, and the Rosh Hashanah Massacre of women and children. The latest requests for Israeli withdrawal were met with the "mysterious" explosion which blew up the U.S. Embassy in Beirut, with great loss of life. It is confidently stated that this explosion will never be solved. As long as the Jews, Walt Rostow and Henry Kissinger (both Zionists) were selling out U.S. interests things were fine. Secretary Shultz must wonder when Begin will order him to be murdered, and President Reagan and others as well. The Israelis are the most likely suspects in the U.S. Embassy explosion. An extremist named Abu Nidal was named in Jack Anderson's column, April 25, 1983, Washington Post, that "secret State Dept. reports quoted two highly placed intelligence sources explanation that the explosion was in Israel's interests as it aided to 'divide and conquer' to disrupt the PLO by setting one faction against the other. The sources said Israel had secretly provided funds to Abu Nidal's group." From the outset, the Myth of the Holocaust has had its problems with "the numbers game". It has not been easy to sell the story of the "extermination" of an entire people, when that people is more numerous, more visible, more prosperous, and more powerful in more countries than at any time during its history. It is even more difficult to sell the story of "survivors of death camps", who survived, not one year, but stays of four to six years in "death camps", in which, according to the testimony of the "Survivors", "everyone was being killed every day"; survival, not merely in one "death camp", but tours of five or six camps over a period of four to six years. The casualty rate would be higher on a bus tour of the Bronx. It took a certain amount of raw courage to fix on the number of those "exterminated" at the magic figure of "six million" during a period when the world census of Jews showed an increase from ten million to twelve and a half million. Even the most hardened Jews shrank from the certain exposure and censure of peddling such fantastic lies to the most gullible of the goyim. Fortunately, they did not have to. If Ronald Reagan expressed some hesitancy at accepting the magic figure of six million early in his career, other goyim, notably, the great evangelists, showed no such qualms. There is now some rivalry among the million dollars a week stooges who jumped on the Golden Bandwagon, but there seems to be little doubt that it was not Billy James Hargis, the homosexual Bible-thumper, but Billy Graham, "that nice boy from North Carolina," who first struck gold in the Myth of the Holocaust. Graham soon proved that his loyalty to God was surpassed only by his loyalty to the State of Israel, while Billy James Hargis and Rev. Carl McIntire huffed and puffed in his well-tailored rear. In recent years, they have been surpassed by two even smoother peddlers of "fundamentalist Christianity", Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson. Each day these servile shabez goi pay homage to the Myth of the Six Million, urging their bewitched television audience to send more money to them, and of course, to Israel. Although their cut comes off the top, Israel does get a fair share of the take, but the supposed recipient of all of their fund-raising, God, is said to get nothing at all. Although the United States boasts of being the birthplace of "investigative journalism", where an aggressive Mike Wallace thrusts a microphone into the face of a cringing quack while denouncing him for overcharging an elderly patient for an aspirin, the Myth of the Holocaust continues to enjoy complete immunity from the prying activities of ten thousand young journalists who dream of the Pulitzer Prize, the Book of the Month Club, and the Hollywood contract. These dreams can become reality, as Woodward and Bernstein discovered when they published their White House fantasies as fact, but the Myth of the Six Million is secure from any invasion by these "great journalists" or any of their compatriots, as none of them dare to question the sanctity of this never-to-be-questioned figure. For years, Jews refused to provide any proof acceptable in court which would substantiate these claims, even though a $50,000 reward was offered for proof that any Jew had been gassed in any type of "Holocaust" operation during World War II, yet this astonishing offer never excited the curiosity of any "investigative journalist" in America. In the ordinary course of events, a twenty dollar bill or a two-Martini lunch is all that is required to set them on the track. Until these highly trained professionals take up the scent along the dog-run, we continue to be plagued by the Jewish claims that six million of their brightest and their best were foully done to death during World War II. If a $50,000 offer could not bring forth proof of even one death, how much would it cost to find proof that six million died? The record shows that only Christians have been the victims of the historic massacres. The Jews, when they did not do the killing themselves, as they always prefer to do, were always in the background as the only instigators of these crimes against humanity. We can and we must protect ourselves against the blood-thirsty bestiality of the Jew by every possible means, and we must be aware that the Christian creed of love and mercy can be overshadowed by the Jewish obsession that all non Jews are animals to be killed. Addendum: By Wm. S. LeGrande. The foregoing account of the Jews shows that Jews desire to destroy all non-Jews that they consider dangerous to them and to rule the others. The Christians and Arabs are high on their list for murder. The evils of the Jews are countless. Deceit and lies are two of their best tools. They love the "God's Chosen" lie. The Jews are mostly Khazars. Khazars have no identity with Israelites at all. The Jew lie on this subject is carried by Christian churches out of ignorance or as a pay-off for favors. During the time of Christ, the Jews were Israelite mixtures and this and the Talmudic idiocy is what Christ condemned the Pharisees for. The next lie is that Christ was a Jew. Nowhere in the Bible is Christ referred to as a Jew. The Bible says Christ was an Israelite. The present day Israelites are central European Christians and their descendants in accordance with Bible prophecy. To make a strong case for these Jew lies and deception we find that Jesus said that the Talmudic Jews were of their father the devil. He said they were liars, thieves, and murderers and were adulterers. The word adulterer is so wide in scope that the Jews make sure it is avoided. The Jews even changed the commandment "Thou shalt not adulterate" to "Thou shalt not commit adultery". "Thou shalt not covet they neighbor's wife" covers the intended reference. Adulterate takes in the total scale of evil. Adulterate means mix, make impure, change, unnatural, deceit, debase, pollute, contaminate, false, lie, corrupt, pervert, wicked, cruel, sinful and all manner of evil practiced by the Jews in their pursuit of deceit as demonstrated in the writing, "The Secret Holocaust" by Eustace Mullins. Christ told us the Jews were adulterers. This brings us to the "Six Million Holocaust" lie that Dr. Butz's book "The Hoax of the Twentieth Century" so ably describes. Mullins explains how this was profitable to the Jews. But it was also a necessity that the World War II and the Six Million lie be kept alive. The real Holocaust is the Sixty-Six Million Holocaust that the Jews performed and engineered in Russia. The cruelties that went with it are unthinkable as explained by Mullins. This is not like the German Six Million which is a cover-up for the Sixty-Six Million, and is a proven known truth and a dress rehearsal for the torture and death of the other world Christians and Moslems. The Arabs can tell you what they have gone through in the last few years and are still going through today. How can this be? The Jews brag that it is "our terrible power of the purse"! Even today, U.S. citizens don't know the Jews own the U.S. money system known as the "Federal Reserve System", and even though the U.S. Congress is able to change it, they are too cowardly in the face of death that awaits them. Likewise, when the Jews tell Congress to send aid to brother Jews in Russia, or to the Israelis, or to send your sons to war for Jew profit, the Congress obeys without hesitation, and they do it promptly. The Jew-controlled news media sees that the c
 

 
  • Then, importantly, the report acknowledges that the "Committee is fully aware that officials may have had multiple credible sources of information upon to which to base statements, but has not attempted to document or analyze source materials other than intelligence, so that is beyond the scope of this report.” The report focuses on major coordinated inter-agency intelligence reports and assessments. The Committee deemed that these reports were the most "authoritative” and represented the "full Intelligence Community position.” The Committee elected to not include "less formal communications between intelligence agencies and other parts of the Executive Branch” or reports "from the field.” Although we have repeatedly advocated for releasing as much information to the public as possible, we agreed that in this context, basing the report on major coordinated interagency intelligence reports and assessments, which represent the collective informed views of the Intelligence Community, was appropriate. Although we would have likely supported amendments expanding the scope if afforded the opportunity to vote, the scope and methodology was consistent with the unanimously agreed to charter, and, therefore, we supported it. In the event that assessments were referenced in the report and not included or cited, we would have clearly supported their inclusion. However, these assessments arguably would not have had a profound impact on the report or significantly affected the overall conclusions; they would have only provided context. The report accomplished its primary objective, unanimously agreed to by the committee: to evaluate "whether public statements and reports and testimony regarding Iraq by U.S. Government officials made between the Gulf War period and the commencement of Operation Iraqi Freedom were substantiated by intelligence information.” CHUCK HAGEL OLYMPIA J. SNowE 

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  • _ MINORITY Views or Vrcn CnA1mv1AN BOND AND SENATORS CHAMBLISS, Hxrcn, AND BURR* This majority-only written report by the Senate Intelligence Committee is a great disappointment to us and an unfortunate commentary on the political nature of intelligence oversight in the Congress today. We regret that at a time when the Committee should be focusing its full attention on improving our intelligence community, closing the gaps in critical intelligence, and making our country safer, that the Committee Ends itself again consumed with political gamesmanship. Although we asked from the beginning of this investigation to be included in it, we were cut out; although we asked that the Members of the Committee produce the conclusions on this report, two majority staff were assigned to the task; and although we had over 50 amendments on the table at our Committee meeting on this report, we were not allowed to offer any of them. We have rarely seen such a poorly handled congressional investigation, and we believe the facts detailed below speak for themselves. Early History In late 2003 the Democrats first proposed that the Committee expand its inquiry of intelligence on Iraq into how administration policymakers "used" intelligence, frankly, we were not sure what they meant. At the time, it was already becoming clear to the Committee that the intelligence community’s performance in its estimate of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction capabilities had been a serious failure. Having heard many of the statements those policymakers had made, it seemed obvious to us that they "used" the intelligence on Iraq the same way policymakers in Congress at the time and policymakers in previous administrations had: they read it, made decisions based on what they read (as well as other available information), and they spoke to the American public about their policies and decisions. Once the Committee’s inquiry began to reveal that analysts were not "pressured" by the administration to assess that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction and that, in fact, the intelligence itself was wrong, it appeared that the Democrats wanted to add a more subjective element into the investigation—how policymakers "used" intelligence. The reason for this initiative became clear in November 2003 when the press exposed a memo which outlined the "plan" by Committee Democrats to explore "vague notions of use" in order to make the greatest political gain from the Committee’s Iraq investigation. They intended to "pull the majority along as far as we can on issues that may lead to new disclosures regarding improper or questionable conduct by administration officials." The memo said that "we don’t know what we will End but our prospects for getting access we seek is far greater when we have the backing of the majority." The memo also noted that "we can verbally mention some of the intriguing leads we are pursuing"——presumably to the press and in violation of the Committee rules. . In spite of this disturbing revelation that the Democrats were seeking to politicize deliberately the national security oversight function of the Congress, in an effort toward bipartisan compromise, in February 2004 the Committee agreed to examine "whether public * I concur with the Vice Chairman’s views on the substance of the report as well as the Minority’s amendments. I am unable to comment on any Phase I or Phase H activities that preceded my membership on this Committee. 000

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  • _ statements and reports and testimony regarding Iraq by U.S. Government officials made between the Gulf War period and the commencement of Operation Iraqi Freedom were substantiated by intelligence information” as part of a second phase of the Iraq inquiry. Given what we had already learned, we warned that this could quickly devolve into an unfortunate use of the Committee’s time and resources, but we were willing to agree to the compromise nonetheless, confident that any fair inquiry would show clearly that the statements of administration officials were substantiated by the intelligence available to them at the time, intelligence that, as described in the Committee’s unanimous Phase I report, was flawed. Unfortunately, the report released today confirmed our early suspicions. The Phase II effort has indeed resulted in a partisan exercise and requests made by the Democrats of the then- Republican Committee leadership from 2004 to 2006 for the inquiry itself and for unnecessary interviews and documents were clearly intended as roadblocks to prevent the inquiry’s completion and to allow bogus charges of "obstruction” intended to help the Democrats’ political goals. Ironically, but not surprisingly, even when the Democrats gained control of the Committee and were in a position to take their best shot at fashioning a purely partisan inquiry— specifically by instructing only two majority staffers to conduct the review, cutting out the minority entirely, twisting the statements of the policymakers they reviewed, and cherry picking the intelligence that helped best make their case—the reports essentially validate what we have been saying all along: that policymakers’ statements were substantiated by the intelligence. As the Committee’s Phase I report showed, it was the intelligence that was faulty. In the cases in which the majority concluded that statements were not substantiated by intelligence or did not convey fully the intelligence community’s analysis, it is clear that either the words of the policymakers in question or the body of intelligence available at the time were distorted in order to make these false charges. We have addressed each of those cases in the attached amendments in Appendix A (see amendments 42, 68, 85, 86, 96, 119, 120, and 136) With the partisan elements of this inquiry now fully exposed, we hope that others will see why we are so disappointed that Committee time and resources have been wasted at this critical juncture in our nation’s history. We have not had an Intelligence Authorization Bill become law in this Congress or the last Congress, we have not had a Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) reform bill become law in this Congress—two badly needed bil1s—both to improve the functioning of the intelligence community and protect the nation. Yet, we have been forced to waste countless man-hours to show what we and the American people already knew four years ago, that policymakers’ statements turned out to be wrong after the war because the statements were based on flawed intelligence. The Committee’s Phase I report, which investigated that intelligence failure and explained how it happened, was a judicious and valuable act of intelligence oversight. Distorting intelligence and misleading the public, as the current majority report does, is not. We are also disappointed that in a zealous, but ultimately failed, attempt to expose alleged "distortions" by the administration, the majority chose to cover up and distort information themselves. Specifically, the majority report excludes from consideration all of the statements made by Members of Congress and the previous administration that were submitted wl
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  • _ for review by the Republican Members. It also excludes relevant intelligence information requested for inclusion by Republican Members including instances ir1 which the Committee knew that specific policymakers’ statements were fact-checked and approved by intelligence community agencies. It treats policymakers unfairly by distorting their words and refusing those individuals the opportunity to respond to what has been alleged about their statements. Because these issues are our most serious concerns about this flawed majority report, we address each in more detail below. Cover-up for Democrats Following the Committee’s agreement on February l2, 2004, to examine "whether public statements and reports and testimony regarding Iraq by U.S. Government officials made between the Gulf War period and the commencement of Operation Iraqi Freedom were substantiated by intelligence information" the Chairman and Vice Chairman each provided a list of statements their respective Members wanted examined by the Committee staff. In the reports released today, only those statements submitted by the Democrats were reviewed. The Republican Members of the Committee submitted approximately 100 statements for review. These were statements made by officials in the previous administration and Members of Congress. Many of our Members believed it was relevant and important to include those statements, particularly from Democrats in Congress, to show that during the debate leading up to and during the authorization of the war in Iraq and during previous efforts to use force in Iraq, Members of both parties with access to intelligence information, not just the Republican administration, made very similar statements about Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction capabilities and links to terrorism. In our opinion, the statements from most policymakers, whether or not they supported the decision to go to war in Iraq, were similar because everyone saw virtually the same intelligence and used that same intelligence in speeches to explain their own decision—making. Nuclear In the nuclear area, for example, the majority report’s first conclusion notes that policymakers’ statements about Iraq’s nuclear activities were substantiated by intelligence, but the majority concludes that some statements did not convey disagreements that existed within the intelligence community. Many Democrats in Congress also discussed Iraq’s nuclear efforts during the Iraq war debate and in other venues and similarly did not describe disagreements within the intelligence community. For example, all of the following statements discussed Iraq’s efforts to develop nuclear weapons, but none of them noted that there was a dissent from one of the agencies within the intelligence community. Conversely, the report is critical of administration officials who did not discuss this dissent even though the dissent had not even been published by that agency at the point the statements by the administration officials were made. The majority apparently believes some policymakers should be mind-readers. All of the following statements made by Democrats in Congress were made after the publication of the Iraq WMD NIE in which the nuclear alternative judgment was published, yet none of them was allowed to be included in the report. 102

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  • • In the four years since the inspectors left, intelligence reports show that Saddam Hussein has worked to rebuild his chemical and biological weapons stock, his missile delivery capability, and his nuclear program. He has also given aid, comfort and sanctuary to terrorists, including al-Qa’ida members. — Senator Hillary Clinton, Congressional Record, October 10, 2002. • There is unmistakable evidence that Saddam Hussein is working aggressively to develop nuclear weapons and will likely have nuclear weapons within the next 5 years. He could have it earlier if he is able to obtain fissile materials on the outside market, which is possible—difiicult but possible. We also should remember we have always underestimated the progress that Saddam Hussein has been able to make in the development of weapons of mass destruction. Senator John D. Rockefeller IV, Congressional Record, October 10, 2002. • Saddam Hussein is an evil man, a dictator who oppresses his people and flouts the mandate of the international community. While this behavior is reprehensible, it is Hussein’s vigorous pursuit of biological, chemical and nuclear weapons, and his present and potential future support for terrorist acts and organizations, that ma.ke him a terrible danger to the people to the United States. Senator Charles Schumer, Congressional Record, October 10, 2002 • There is no question that Iraq possesses biological and chemical weapons and that he seeks to acquire additional weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons. That is not in debate. Senator Christopher Dodd, Congressional Record, October 9, 2002. • We know that he has chemical and biological weapons. He has already used them against his neighbors and his own people, and is trying to build more. We know that he is doing everything he can to build nuclear weapons, and we know that each day he gets closer to achieving that goal. Senator John Edwards, Congressional Record, October 10, 2002. • Almost no one disagrees with these basic facts: that Saddam Hussein is a tyrant and a menace; that he has weapons of mass destruction and that he is doing everything in his power to get nuclear weapons; that he has supported terrorists; that he is a grave threat to the region, to vital allies like Israel, and to the United States; and that he is thwarting the will of the international community and undermir1ing the United Nations’ credibility. Senator John Edwards, Congressional Record, October 10, 2002 The following statement from Senator John Kerry went a step further, claiming that "all U.S. intelligence experts agree that Iraq is seeking nuclear weapons." In fact, not "all" intelligence agencies assessed that Iraq was seeking nuclear weapons; as noted in the majority report, one agency considered the evidence inadequate to reach such a judgment. 103

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  • • According to the CIA’s report, all U.S. intelligence experts agree that Iraq is seeking nuclear weapons. There is little question that Saddam Hussein wants to develop nuclear weapons. The more difficult question to answer is when Iraq could actually achieve this goal. That depends on is its ability to acquire weapons- grade fissile material. If Iraq could acquire this material from abroad, the CIA estimates that it could have a nuclear weapon within 1 year. Senator John Kerry, October 9, 2002. This comment from Senator Durbin, made nearly a year earlier, actually indicated that I Saddam Hussein had “perhaps even nuclear weapons" at his disposal. At no time did the intelligence community assess that Iraq perhaps had nuclear weapons. • When you look at what Saddam Hussein has at his disposal, in terms of chemical, biological, and perhaps even nuclear weapons, we cannot ignore the threat that he poses to the region and the fact that he has fomented terrorism throughout his reign. Senator Dick Durbin, December 21, 2001, Larry King Live. Why were none of these statements considered worthy of analysis by the majority's review staff, particularly those made by Senators Durbin, Edwards, and Rockefeller, who were all members of the Senate Intelligence Committee at that time, and by Senator Clinton, who has publicly acknowledged being briefed on the NIE? UA Vs Regarding Iraq’s UAV capability, the report notes that some administration statements did not convey disagreements or evolving views within the intelligence community about whether Iraq intended to use UAVs for chemical or biological weapons delivery. The report, however, failed to analyze statements made by Democrats like: • Saddam’s existing biological and chemical weapons capabilities pose real threats to America today, tomorrow. Saddam has used chemical weapons before, both against Iraq’s enemies and against his own people. He is working to develop delivery systems like missiles and unmanned aerial vehicles that could bring these deadly weapons against U.S. forces and U.S. facilities in the Middle East. He could make these weapons available to many terrorist groups, third parties, which have contact with his government. Those groups, in turn, could bring those weapons into the United States and unleash a devastating attack against our citizens. I fear that greatly. Senator John D. Rockefeller IV, Congressional Record, October 10, 2002. • In addition, Iraq is developing umnanned aerial vehicles UAVs, capable of delivering chemical and biological warfare agents, which could threaten Iraq’s neighbors as well as American forces in the Persian Gulf Senator John Kerry, Congressional Record, October 9, 2002. 104

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  •  “Intent " In a section titled "Intent" the majority report includes statements from several administration officials which discussed their concerns about what Saddam Hussein could do with his weapons of mass destruction considering his disdain for the United States and his long association with terrorist groups. We believe that these statements were not about Iraq’s "intent" at all, as the majority report says, but were explaining that with a lack of information about Iraq’s intent, these policymakers were concerned about Iraq’s capabilities. We note that many Democrats also expressed the same concerns about the threat Iraq posed or might have posed to the United States due to his weapons of mass destruction capabilities, connections to terrorists, or both in speeches that were not analyzed in the majority report: • I have come to the inescapable conclusion that the threat posed to America by Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction is so serious that despite the risks and we should not minimize the risks we must authorize the President to take the necessary steps to deal with that threat. There has been some debate over how "imminent" a threat Iraq poses. I do believe Iraq poses an imminent threat. I also believe after September ll, that question is increasingly outdated. It is in the nature of these weapons that he has and the way they are targeted against civilian populations, that documented capability and demonstrated intent may be the only warning we get. To insist on further evidence could put some of our fellow Americans at risk. Can we afford to take that chance? I do not think we can. Senator John D. Rockefeller IV, Congressional Record, October 10, 2002. • Is Saddam Hussein] a greater threat than he was in l99l‘? He surely is. There’s different ways of launching scuds and all kinds that go faster, farther. There is no question on that. .. And if our allies] are not there for us, does that mean in this debate, precedent-based, historically-based, that we sort of sit and take it, or are we going to end up basically being unilateral anyway because we cannot have our children smallpoxed. Senator John D. Rockefeller IV, Congressional Record, September 25, 2002. ` • When I vote to give the President of the United States the authority to use force, if necessary, to disarm Saddam Hussein because I believe that a deadly arsenal of weapons of mass destruction in his hands is a threat, and a grave threat to our security and that of our allies in the Persian Gulf region. Senator John Kerry, Congressional Record, October 9, 2002. • I believe that Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi regime represents a clear threat to the United States, to our allies, to our interests around the world, and to the values of freedom and democracy we hold dear .... Thousands of terrorist operatives around the world would pay anything to get their hands on Saddam’s arsenal, and there is every possibility that he could tum his weapons over to these terrorists...we can hardly ignore the terrorist threat, and the serious danger that Saddam would allow his arsenal to be used in aid of terror. Senator John Edwards, Congressional Record, September 12, 2002. 105

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  •  • When I consider that Hussein could either use or give to terrorists weapons of mass destruction biological, chemical or nuclear and that he might just be mad enough to do it I End, aiter careful research, the answer to my question: we cannot afford to leave him alone over the next 5 or even 3 years. Senator Charles Schumer, Congressional Record, October 10, 2002 • If you allow someone like Saddam Hussein to get nuclear weapons, ballistic missiles, chemical weapons, biological weapons, how many people is he going to kill with such weapons? He’s already demonstrated a willingness to use the weapons. He poison-gassed his own people. He used poison gas and other weapons of mass destruction against his neighbors. This man has no compunction about killing lots and lots of people. So this is a way to save lives and to save the stability and peace of a region of the world that is important to the peace and security of the entire world. Vice President A1 Gore, Address to the Nation, December 16, 1998. • Our strategic objective is to contain Saddam Hussein and curtail his ability to produce the most deadly weapons known to mankind-weapons that he has unleashed with chilling alacrity against his own people. Leit unchecked, Saddam Hussein would in short order be in a position to threaten and blackmail our regional allies, our troops, and, indeed, our nation. Senator Joe Biden, Congressional Record, February 12, 1998. • Saddam Hussein, with one nuclear weapon, would be far more dangerous than the Soviet Union with 20,000. The difference is, they would not use their weapons]. They were not suicidal. He would. Senator Carl Levin, Congressional Record, October 9, 1998 • With the peace of the region and, and in fact, much of the world at risk, we cannot allow Iraq to continue its maneuvers designed to protect such a dangerous buildup of biological, chemical and nuclear weapons. Senator John D. Rockefeller IV, Congressional Record, December 16, 1998. • It is not possible to overstate the ominous implications for the Middle East if Saddam were to develop and successfully militarize and deploy potent biological weapons. We can all imagine the consequences. Extremely small quantities of several known biological weapons have the capability to exterminate the entire population of cities the size of Tel Aviv or Jerusalem. These could be delivered by ballistic missile, but they also could be delivered by much more pedestrian means; aerosol applicators on commercial trucks easily could suffice. If Saddam were to develop and then deploy usable atomic weapons, the same holds true. Senator John Kerry, Congressional Record, November 9, 1997 This is only a sampling of the approximately 100 statements submitted by Republican Members of this Committee for review and which we repeatedly requested be included in the 106

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  • _ report as agreed previously by the Committee Members. This request was ignored by the majority during two iterations of comments on the report drafts and a motion to include such statements, offered by the Vice-Chairman at the Committee’s business meeting, was denied a hearing by the Chairman. Che —Pickin Intelli ence We have several concerns about the intelligence information the majority chose to include, and chose to ignore, in its report. j First, the majority chose to include only "finnished disseminated intelligence" for comparison with policymakers’ statements. This is not only a departure from the Committee’s agreed upon terms of reference, it is unfair to policymakers whom we know had access to far more than just published intelligence assessments. For example, in preparation for Secretary Powell’s statement before the UN on February 5, 2003, the CIA provided an intelligence report called a TD (telegraphic dissemination) for use in the speech. In spite of the fact that the CLLX informed the Committee about this in early 2004 and that the information was included in the Committee’s first Iraq report published nearly four years ago, the majority refused to include, or even consider, the TD in its majority report. Instead the majority report included an intelligence assessment published after the Secretary’s speech and noted the existence of "operational intelligence traffic." Any intelligence officer who has been on the job more than a week knows that a TD is an intelligence report, not "operational traffic." Moreover, after refusing our request to include the TD, incorrectly arguing that it was "operational," the majority drafters included several actual operational cables of their choosing in another section of the report. Worse, these were operational cables which the Committee knows were not finished intelligence reports for policymakers and were not given to any administration officials; yet the much more widely disseminated TD, specifically provided to Secretary Powell for use in his speech, was not included in the majority report. Even worse, excluded those sections of the report which specifically analyze the President’s statements, is the President’s Summary of the NIE, a summary document prepared for and presented to the President. This is most disturbing since in two important cases- regarding reconstitution of Iraq’s nuclear pro gram and Iraq’s intent to use its small UAVs for biological weapons delivery—the judgments and dissents were presented differently than in the NIE’s key judgments and main text. In fact, in the case of Iraq’s UAVs, the dissent was not included in the President’s summary at all. Second, the report excludes other information relevant to any fair inquiry of whether policymakers’ statements were substantiated by intelligence. For example, the Committee obtained information related to the coordination, declassifrcation, and fact-checking of the President’s Cincinnati speech with the CIA, relevant portions of which we requested be included in the report. Specifically, a handwritten note by a CIA officer at the bottom of one of the drafts to then-DCI Tenet said that the CIA terrorism analyst had "read all the terrorism paragraphs and said it was all oka ’ (emphasis original.) We believed it was only fair to let the public know that the CIA checked the President’s speech and said that all of the terrorism paragraphs were M

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  • _ determined by CIA analysts to be "all okay." Apparently the majority did not think this was something the public needed to know since they denied our request to include it and did not allow a vote on the amendment offered to tix this shortcoming. Why do the Democrats want to hide the fact that the CIA cleared the President’s speech'? As another example, the majority report analyzes Secretary Powell’s UN speech, but does not explain that this speech was not only checked and rechecked by the intelligence community to ensure that the speech was well supported by the available intelligence, but also that the first draft of the speech was actually written by the CIA. Notably, the report fails to mention this. In some cases the majority report actually claims that Secretary Powell’s statements in this speech were not substantiated by intelligence, even though the intelligence was in the original draft written by the CIA. We are at a loss to explain how the majority can believe that a speech drafted by the CIA and then checked and rechecked by the intelligence community to ensure that it was strongly supported by the available intelligence could in any way be characterized as unsubstantiated by intelligence at that time. Third, in several cases, the report compares policymaker statements to intelligence published after, sometimes months after, the statements were made. This just does not make sense. For example, Amendment 97 addresses a conclusion which says the "President’s suggestion that the Iraqi government was considering using UAVs to attack the United States was substantiated by intelligence judgments available at the time, but these judgments were revised a few months later, in January 2003." Whether the NIE judgments were reviewed after the President’s speech is irrelevant to whether the statement was substantiated at the time it was made. Furthermore, we note that t.his conclusion also distorts the President’s words because he did not say that Iraq was considering using UAVs to target the United States. Rather, he said: "we are concerned that Iraq was exploring ways of using these UAVs for missions targeting the United States," a comment that was fully consistent with the January 2003 NIE, Nontraditional Threats to the US. Homeland Through 200 7. Obviously the intelligence community had to be concerned that Iraq could use these UAVs to target the homeland or they would not have been included in an NIE about threats to the Homeland at all. We find the refusal to include all relevant intelligence and the inclusion of information published after the delivery of statements to be particularly ironic since in a letter on November 14, 2005, then-Vice Chairman Rockefeller, along with Senators Levin and Feinstein, wrote to the Majority and Minority Leaders explaining that they had "insisted that the Committee compare statements of government officials against all intelligence information prepared for circulation and relevant to the subject matter at issue, provided it was it was available at the time the statement was made." This appeared to be considered a worthwhile task when the burden of collecting all of the available intelligence from the end of the Gulf War through the start of Operation Iraqi Freedom fell to Republican Members and their staff, but when the Democrats took charge, including only some of the intelligence was deemed acceptable. Perhaps forcing the Republican staff to review over 40,000 documents was just a request intended to delay further publication of the Phase II effort and allow the continuation of charges of "obstruction." 108

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  • _ The idea of limiting the intelligence to that which was "available at the time the statement was made" must have seemed like a better idea when the Democrats thought policymakers would not be able to use information published even days after their statements to defend themselves. When it turned out that this could be used to the majority’s own advantage, however, information that was actually available to policymakers apparently became less important. Maybe the majority believes those reading the report will not bother to check the dates. On behalf of the minority, the Vice-Chairman filed 26 amendments in the category of "che1ry picking or excluding relevant information from the report." The Chairman refused to allow consideration of any of these amendments at the Committee’s business meeting. (See Appendix A, amendments 13, 18, 20, 22, 26, 28, 29, 32, 38, 39, 54, 71(a), 81, 82, 97, 106, 108, 130,132, and 133. Unsubstantiated Claims/Distorting Intelligence One of the most hypocritical aspects of the Majority report is that while it purports to cast judgment on how well policymakers characterized intelligence analysis in their public statements, the report itself distorts many policymakers’ statements and the intelligence analysis. This has the unfortunate consequence of undermining the Committee’s credibility in exercising oversight. Several of the mir1ority’s amendments focused on the issue of mischaracterizing policymakers’ statements., One example is Amendment 7 which addresses a portion of the majority report which says that the President, Vice President, and the Secretary of State "stated that the Iraq govemrnent had an active nuclear weapons program." However, even a cursory examination of the statements included for review in the report shows that none of the named individuals "stated" that Iraq had an "active nuclear weapons program," not one. Another amendment, Number 136, addresses a conclusion that claims the President and Vice President made statements that "Saddam Hussein was prepared to give weapons of mass destruction to terrorist groups for attacks against the United States." Yet, neither the President nor the Vice President said this. The report also distorts the intelligence analysis to help bolster its case against policymakers. For example, Amendment 129 addresses a portion of the report which claims that the October 2002 NIE judged that "Saddam was unwilling to conduct terrorist attacks targeting the United States at that time." The NIE never said this. In fact, this NIE judged that Iraq was investigating mapping software for its UAVs, useless outside the United States. The NIE said this "suggests that Iraq is investigating the use of these UAVs for missions targeting the United States." ln addition, Amendments 81-82 address a portion of the report which says that the "intelligence community was not aware of any large, deeply-buried facilities" in Iraq. This makes it sound as though the intelligence community did not assess that Iraq had deeply-buried facilities. In reality, the intelligence community had long assessed that Iraq had deeply-buried facilities in Iraq; they noted only that they were unable to specifically identify them, something hardly uncornrnon in intelligence. 109

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  •  A final example, Amendment 58 addresses a conclusion about Iraq’s biological weapons capabilities which states that policymakers’ statements were substantiated by intelligence information, but concludes that they "did not discuss gaps in Iraq’s biological weapons programs, which were explicit in the NIE." The NIE’s assessment of Iraq’s biological weapons program was that "all key aspects—R&D, production, and weaponization—of Iraq’s offensive BW program are active and that most elements are larger and more advanced than they were before the Gulf war." This judgment and the NIE judgment that Iraq had biological weapons were "high confidence" judgments. In a ten-page discussion of Iraq’s biological warfare capabilities only one sentence noted any gaps in knowledge of Iraq’s BW program and this was only regarding "specific information on the types of weapons, agent, or stockpiles Baghdad has at its disposal." In other words, there were no gaps noted regarding the judgments that Iraq had an offensive biological weapons program or stocks, only uncertainty as to what kinds of agents were in those stocks—hardly a gap. On behalf of the minority, the Vice-Chairman filed 31 amendments in this category- unsubstantiated claims or distorting information. The Chairman reii1sed to allow consideration of any of these amendments at the Committee’s business meeting. (See Appendix A, amendments 7,11,16,17,17(a),19, 21, 22(a), 23, 30, 31, 33, 34, 4·1, 41(a), 58, 68, 70, 71, 83, 85, 86, 90, 96, 99,119,120,121,125,126,127,128,129,131,135,135,136,137, and 140. Reii1sal to Offer Polic akers the Qpp g; to Be Heard We also disagree with the majority’s decision not to request interviews with policymakers whom the report alleges made unsubstantiated statements. These individuals deserve the opportunity to respond to the majority’s allegations and be afforded the opportunity to inform the majority of intelligence information that may be lacking from the report that had been used in the preparation of their statements. We note that in the last Congress the Democrats argued that policymakers needed to be brought before the Committee to be interviewed about their statements even before the ‘ Committee had made a determination about whether their statements were substantiated. Then- Vice Chairman Rockefeller even wrote to the Chairman with a list of people to be interviewed which included Secretary of State Colin Powell, Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage, then-National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, and then-Deputy National Security Advisor Stephen Hadley, among others. In addition, Senators Rockefeller, Levin, and Feinstein wrote to the Senate leadership in November 2005 saying that a task force of Committee Members discussed the importance of interviewing current a.nd former officials within the Departments of State and Defense and the Office of the Vice President, among others. While the letter was, in fact, not an accurate portrayal of the discussions at that meeting (the transcript of the meeting shows that the only individual the task force actually discussed interviewing was Secretary Powell), it nonetheless shows that these Members wanted to conduct such interviews. We agreed that it was important to interview many of these individuals, and others, if the Committee Members found that any of their statements were not substantiated by the intelligence M0

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  • or if they were in another way relevant to the Committee’s inquiry. At the time the Committee voted on the Phase II terms of reference in February 2004, Senator Levin agreed with us, noting "but you’ve got to ask policymakers who made statements relative to weapons of mass destruction what was the basis in intelligence for their statements, if we believe that their statements, reports, or testimony went beyond the intelligence that they were given." Despite this and despite Chairman Rockefeller’s own letter requesting these interviews, when we requested that the interviews be conducted so that policymakers could respond to the drafted conclusions that alleged unsubstantiated statements, the request was ignored, and a motion to conduct these interviews offered at the Committee’s business meeting was denied a hearing by the Chairman. Interestingly, in the additional views attached to a Committee report on "The Use by the Intelligence Community of Information Provided by the Iraqi National Congress," Chairman Rockefeller and Senators Levin, Feinstein, Wyden, Bayh, Mikulski, and Feingold wrote that the Committee Chairman had declined a request of the Vice Chairman for the Committee to interview White House officials, including speech writers, to fully understand how and why the intelligence assessments were included in major prewar speeches, such as the President’s State of the Union Address and Secretary Powell’s speech to the UN Security Council. Yet, none of these Members wanted to pursue these interviews once they were in charge of the review. The only reason we can imagine why the Democrats would not undertake interviews that they had repeatedly requested in the last Congress, is that the interviews were another tactic at delaying the report and allowing more false charges of "obstruction." Conclusion Although we are troubled by all of the issues we have outlined thus far—that the report released today was a waste of Committee time and resources that should have been spent overseeing the intelligence community, that the report is part of a partisan agenda, that the report cherry picked information and distorted policymakers’ statements and intelligence, and that the majority refused to offer those it is accusing the opportunity to be heard—we are most concerned about the damage that this report will do, and that the whole Phase II effort has done for the past several years, in creating the impression that policymakers should be bound to make policy based on only that which is published in intelligence assessments. This is not only wrong, it is dangerous and it is contrary to everything else this Committee has done since it published its first report on the Iraq intelligence failure. It has the effect of encouraging intelligence community analysts to become policymakers, and encouraging policymakers to adhere strictly to whatever analysts write, when we know that intelligence analysis can be dangerously inaccurate. Have we forgotten how wrong the intelligence judgments were in the October 2002 Iraq WMD NIE and how many other intelligence failures we had before that one? Intelligence is not incontestable truth and it is only one factor out of many that a policymaker must consider before making a policy decision. This fallacy has also unnecessarily increased demands on the intelligence community. Requesting NIEs with unclassified key judgments has become sport in Washington as each side hopes the NIE will support its position. Cries of "politicization" usually follow from whichever M1

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  • side is unhappy with the results. This is not only unfair to the intelligence community, it is dangerous in that analysts will attempt to please all sides and their muddied judgments will help no one. We expect intelligence analysts to follow tried and true marching orders for intelligence: tell me what you know, tell me what you don’t know, tell me what you think, and make sure the policymaker understands the difference. Analysts cannot do this if they are constantly wondering if their assessments will be used for politics. The Democratic maj ority, in the partisan way it attempted to suppress intelligence information and skew the historical record, is betting that the public and the media will not take the time to read these and other minority views that expose its hypocrisy. We have written these views to shine a light on it, for if there is any oversight value left in this fruitless endeavor that has consumed so much of the resources of this Committee over a four year period, it would be to expose the true intent of this supposed "oversight." We regret the damaging effect the majority’s report has on this COI1’1II1llI€€’S credibility to oversee our intelligence community and we urge our colleagues to return to the non-partisan underpinnings that the Senate Intelligence Committee was founded upon. CHRISTOPHER S. Bonn SAXBY CHAMBLISS ORRIN G. HATCH RICHARD BURR _ 112

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  • _ Apendix A Filed Amendments 0n Phase II Report: Whether Public Statements Regarding Iraq by U.S. Government Officials Were Substantiated by Intelligence ("Statements") U3

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  • Amendment 6 Page 3, last paragraph — Overlaying this issue of the selective use of intelligence is the more fundamental issue of the selective declassification of intelligence. Intelligence information contained in many of the speeches analyzed in this report had to be declassified before being released publicly. The Executive Branch has the prerogative to classify information to protect national security, and unlike Congress the Executive Branch can declassified information relatively easily. Until the Congress sought and obtained the release of an unclassified version of the key judgments of the October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq ’s presumed weapons of mass destruction programs, the analytical judgments of the Intelligence Community on these matters were classified. The collected intelligence underlying these judgments remained classified until after the invasion of Iraq. Few, if any, of the Intelligence Community ’s assessments on Iraq 's links to terrorism, the intent of the Iraqi regime, projected post-war conditions, or other relevant matters contained in the statements of senior officials were publicly released before the war. This ability of the Executive Branch to unilaterally declassified and divulge intelligence information at a time, place, and in a manner of its choosing must also be taken into account when evaluating policymakers ’ use of intelligence information. Amendment 6 — Strike the above paragraph. Comment- It is misleading to simply say that the Executive branch makes ‘“unilateral" decisions about what to declassify. Congress can also request declassification and usually gets what it wants unless the Executive branch can establish a sources-and-methods reason not to disclose it. In addition, Section 8 of S. Res. 400 offers a mechanism for the Senate to disclose classified information. The fact that the Senate chose not to do this does not mean that it did not have the opportunity. Amendment 7 Page 6, first full non-bullet paragraph — In major policy speeches the President, the Vice President and the Secretary of State indicated that the Iraqi government had an active nuclear weapons program. Amendment 7- Strike the above sentence. Comment- None of the statements listed in the report shows that the President, Vice President, or Secretary of State indicated that the Iraqi government had an active nuclear weapons program. We believe that if this Committee is going to scrutinize each and every word these policymakers uttered, we should clearly state what they said, not re-interpret what they said. U4

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  • _ Amendment 11 Page 7, first paragraph — They agreed that y' Iraq decided to restart a nuclear weapons program, with proper foreign assistance it could produce enough fissile material for a nuclear weapon within five to seven years, and that q' Iraq in some way acquired adequate fissile material ]9·om a foreign source, it could produce a nuclear weapon within one year. Amendment 11 — Strike proper, in some way, and adequate. Comment- The coordinated assessments did not use the terms "proper," "in some way" and “adequate." The Committee should be accurate in describing the assessments; they should be deleted from the report. Amendment 13 Page 7, second paragraph — In April 2001 , the CIA noted that Iraq ’s attempts to purchase high- strength aluminum tubes and other dual-use equipment suggested that a reconstitution e]j’ort might be underway. This judgment was included in several other CIA assessments. In August 2002 the CIA published a paper on Iraqi WIMD capabilities (Iraq: Expanding WZMD Capabilities Pose Growing Threay, which concluded that these procurement activities indicated that the Iraqi government had restarted its nuclear weapons program. Amendment13 — Insert after the above sentence A December 2001 CIA Senior Executive Memorandum said that rocurement activities "show Ira is g pg to `um -start a clandestine uranium emichment ro am to roduce the fissile material for a wea on otentiall y late this decade assurnin it roduces the necess com onents indi enousl ." In J anu 2002 the CIA ublished an assessment which said "Procurement activities detected in the ast ear are consistent with Ira attem tin to 'um -start a clandestine uranium enrichment ro am to roduce the fissile material needed to make a nuclear wea on otentiall y late this decade. Ira retains a si `f1cant number of nuclear ro am scientists ro am documentation and robabl the manufacturin infrastructure to su ort a nuclear wea ons ro a1n." 1 Comment — We requested that several relevant reports below be added to this section, but they were added only to the footnote. We would at least like the December 2001 report, which seems to be the most important and relevant to policymaker’s statements in questions, added to the text. • A July 2001 CIA assessment, Iraq: New Effort to Get Centriiiige-Related Tubes, had the same assessment as the April 2001 paper already cited. • An October 2001 Senior Executive Intelligence Brief (SEIB) discussed Iraq’s "nuclear- related procurement efforts," including the aluminum tubes and uranium from Ni er. • In a November 2001 Senior Executive Memorandum (SEM) the CIA wrote that k _ reporting indicate Baghdad still has a vast procurement network to seek materials and equipment that can be used in a centrifuge program, including the recent effort to get aluminum tubes for a Zippe-type centrifuge, but it is unclear if Iraq has embarked on an extensive nuclear weapons effort." M5

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  • _ • Also in November 2001 a CIA SEIB titled "lraq: Seeking to Rebuild Enrichment Capability" discussed Iraq’s procurement of aluminum tubes. • A December 2001 SEM said "Procurement activities detected within the past year show Iraq is trying to jump-start a clandestine uranium enrichment program to produce the fissile material for a weapon, potentially by late this decade, assuming it produces the necessary components indigenously." • In January 2002 the CIA wrote in a Senior Publish When Ready (SPWR) that "Procurement activities detected in the past year are consistent with Iraq attempting to jump-start a clandestine uranium enrichment program to produce the tissile material needed to make a nuclear weapon, potentially by late this decade. Iraq retains a significant nrunber of nuclear program scientists, program documentation, and probably the manufacturing infrastructure to support a nuclear weapons pro gram." • In March 2002 a CIA SPWR said "We assess that Iraq currently may be trying to reconstitute its gas centrifuge program. Since intrusive inspections ended in 1998, Iraq has increased efforts to buy critical dual-use items that could support a gas centrifuge program, including aluminum tubes suitable for rotors, magnets, machine tools, essential chemicals and centrifuge cascade related equipment." Amendment 16 Page 7, last partial paragraph — The Department 0f Energy (DOE) disagreed with the CL4 ’s c0nclusi0ns regarding the aluminum tubes, and assessed that it was more likely that the tubes were intended for a dyferent use, such as a c0nventi0nal r0cket program. Based 0n 0ther evidence, including Saddam ’s meetings with Iraqi nuclear scientists, and p0ssible attempts t0 pr0cure uranium from Niger, the DOE assessed in July 2002 that Iraq might be attempting t0 reconstitute a nuclear weap0ns pr0gram, but suggested that the evidence was n0t conclusive. Amendment 16 — Strike the above paragraph and insert In a Jul 2002 p p the De artment of Ener DOE said "Multi le-source r ortin su ests that Saddam Hussein is seekin to reconstitute Ira ’s nuclear wea ons ro am. Althou the re ortin roduces no "smoking gun, continued vi 'lance is re uired re ardin Ira ’s attem ts to re 'uvenate its nuclear wea ons ro am." Comment- We do not believe that an assessment which solely discusses DOE’s judgment about the end-use for the alumintun tubes is relevant in this section because the assessment did not discuss nuclear reconstitution at all. The statements under review from the Vice President make no mention of aluminun tubes. The report should say what DOE’s assessment was of reconstitution, which was: "Multiple-source reporting suggests that Saddam Hussein is seeking to reconstitute Iraq’s nuclear weapons program. Although the reporting produces no "smoking gun," continued vigilance is required regarding Iraq’s attempts to rejuvenate its nuclear weapons program." H6

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  • _ Amendment 17 Page 8, first full paragraph — The Department of State ’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research (State/INR) disagreed with the CIA that Iraq had restarted a nuclear weapons program, and concurred with the DOE that the aluminum tubes were probably intended for other purposes. This view was included in congressional testimony in September 2002, but State/INR did not publish any reports on the aluminum tubes outside the State Department until afler publication of the October 2002 NIE. Amendment 17 — strike the above paragraph and insert INR did not ublish y assessments outlinin their views on reconstitution of Ira ’s nuclear ro am rior to the Vice President’s statement. Comment -— The comment that INR "disagreed with the CIA that Iraq had restarted a nuclear weapons program, and concurred with the DOE that the aluminum tubes were probably intended for other purposes" has no citation. If the intent is to cite this to the Committee’s first report, the attribution is mischaracterizing the comments in that report. The Committee’s report was describing what INR analysts told the staff after the fact about their views at the time, which should not be construed to mean those views were articulated to policymakers. The report should cite a document or report in which INR "disagreed," otherwise this discussion should be deleted. In addition, if testimony to Congress is going to be offered in lieu of an assessment from INR, the report should include comments attributed to the National Ground Intelligence Center (N GIC) at the same hearing. Testimony at the September 17, 2002 hearing was that "State/INR and DOE are still examining the latest specifications but currently believe that the tubes more likely are intended for alternative conventional weapons uses, such as the multiple rocket launcher program. The NGIC — the U.S. experts on foreign ground force weapons systems — notes, however, that Iraq’s dimensional requirements for the tubes are far stricter than necessary for rocket casings." Finally, we do not understand why testimony given in mid- September is being used in a section which analyzes the Vice President’s speech from August. This report is supposed to determine whether po1icymakers’ statements were substantiated by intelligence. How can we expect policymakers to be aware of a view that wasn’t published or briefed to them until after they made their statement? Mi

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  • _ Amendment 17 a _ Page 8, second full paragraph — Several of these intelligence agencies also made reference to assessments by the National Ground Intelligence Center (NGIC) regarding the aluminum tubes. Testimony by the Director of Central Intelligence to Congress stated that NGIC judged that "Iraq ’s dimensional requirements for the tubes are far stricter than necessary for rocket casings. " A later memo ]9·om State/INR said that "the L4EA and the - pertinent nuclear-technical experts have concluded independently that the aluminum tubes are not intended for Iraq ’s nuclear program and are consistent with rocket casings...DOE and DoD ’s National Ground Intelligence Center (NGIC) concur on this assessment, though NGIC does not share most of the other DOE views on tactical rockets. " q Amendment l7(a) - strike A later memo ]$·om State/INR said that "the L4EA and the pertinent nuclear-technical experts have concluded independently that the aluminum tubes are not intended for Iraq 's nuclear program and are consistent with rocket casings...DOE and DoD ’s National Ground Intelligence Center (NGIC) concur on this assessment, though NGIC does not share most of the other DOE views on tactical rockets. " Corn1nent— We see that the Majority added this information to the report after the amendment filing deadline. We asked that the National Ground Intelligence Center (N GIC) information be included, but we did not request and did not consent to including the State/INR paper for two reasons: first, because it was published more than two months after the Vice President’s speech; and second, because the report misquotes the INR document. The INR report did not say that DoD’s NGIC concurred with the assessment that the aluminum tubes were consistent with rocket casings. This is a gross distortion of the INR assessments and the position of NGIC. If this text is included, it will make the Committee look foolish since our own 2004 report explained that NGIC was one of the main proponents of the argument that the tubes were inconsistent with rocket casings. The INR report said that that NGIC agreed only with the assessment that high strength is used for tactical rockets by a number of countries; although NGIC said in the NIE that because of the unsuitability of the wall thickness and weight of the Iraqi aluminum tubes that they were "unIikely to be intended for rocket motor cases. The report, as drafted, clearly misquotes the INR paper. This should be deleted. H8

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  • Amendment 18 Page 8, third full paragraph — According t0 a DL4 report, the intelligence community continued to assess that it would take five to seven years from the commencement of a revived nuclear program for the Iraqi government to indigenously produce enough fissile material for a nuclear weapon. This same report repeated the assessment that a nuclear weapon could be constructed much faster y' adequate fissile material was acquired from a foreign source, though an earlier CL4 assessment noted that “we have not detected a dedicated Iraqi ejjfort to obtain fissile material abroad. " Amendment 18 — Strike the above paragraph. Comment/Suggestion — This is a May 2002 DLA report referring to an intelligence community judgment which had not been updated since 2000. At the time of the Vice President’s speech, DLA assessed that Iraq could have a weapon as soon as 2006, and INR had no judgment on this since the 2000 ICA. This sentence should be changed to accurately reflect the judgments of each agency. Amendment 19 Page 8, last paragraph — In the President ’s address to the United Nations General Assembly, he stated that Iraq continued to develop weapons of mass destruction, and indicated that Iraq had an ongoing nuclear weapons program. Amendment 19 — Strike the paragraph above. Con1ment— None of the statements in the report taken from the President’s speech suggest that Iraq had an ongoing nuclear weapons program. The President commented that Iraq employed capable nuclear scientists, retained physical infrastructure needed to build a weapon, and made attempts to buy aluminum tubes. As noted in the report, several intelligence community assessments mentioned these things without concluding that Iraq had an ongoing nuclear weapons program. _ H9

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  • Amendment 20 Page 9, 'rirst full paragraph - Though the intelligence community as a whole had not yet concluded that a nuclear weapons program was underway, some (though not all intelligence agencies believed that Iraq ’s attempts to acquire high-strength aluminum tubes, along with supporting evidence such as Saddam ’s meetings with Iraqi nuclear science personnel, indicated that the nuclear program was in fact being reconstituted. Amendment 20 — strike (though not alb and insert and the end of the paragraph All intelligence a encies assessed that the aluminum tubes could be used to enrich uranium for nuclear weapons but DOE and State INR assessed that the tubes were more likely intended for a conventional weapons ro am. Comment — Again, the President did not say that Iraq had reconstituted its nuclear program or had an ongoing nuclear program in this speech. He mentioned the acquisition of aluminum tubes "used to enrich uranium for a nuclear weapon.” All agencies, including DOE and State/INR assessed that these tubes could be used for this purpose and Saddam’s meeting with nuclear science personnel were discussed in numerous intelligence community papers from CIA, DIA, and DOE. A discussion of whether or not agencies judged that these efforts were part of a reconstituted nuclear program is irrelevant here because the President did not say they were part of a reconstituted nuclear program. Also, "some" always means "not all." This is redundant. Amendment 21 Page 9, second paragraph — Intelligence community analysts generally believed that the Iraqi government ’s failure to provide certain evidence and documents regarding its pre-] 99] nuclear program indicated that the Iraqi government was attempting to conceal this information. However, this conclusion was not cited by the intelligence community as compelling evidence for a reconstituted, post-Guy War nuclear weapons program. Amendment 2l— strike However, this conclusion was not cited by the intelligence community as compelling evidence for a reconstituted, post-Gab' War nuclear weapons program. Comment- Again, the last sentence is irrelevant because the President did not cite Iraq’s concealment of documents as evidence of a reconstituted, post-Gulf War nuclear weapons program. His comments about withholding information refer to the pre-Gulf War program. 120

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  • _ Amendment 22 Page 9, third full paragraph —— Numerous intelligence assessments made reference to open source information showing that Saddam met with personnel from the Iraqi Atomic Energy Commission (MEC). Amendment 22 — Strike made reference to open source information showing ar1d insert showed Comment - The majority report changed this sentence from saying "ir1telligence reporting" to "open source infor1nation." The report should still say "intelligence" because numerous intelligence assessments cited the meetings between Saddam ar1d the IAEC personnel and much of the information was from intelligence reporting vice open source reporting. This information was provided to the Majority as requested and still it was not included in the report. • In January 2002, a DIA Executive Highlight (EH) said ". .. the increased frequency of operations at former and suspect nuclear facilities is highly suspect. In a possibly related incident, Saddam Husayn met with the Iraqi Atomic Energy Commission on 10 January and praised its efforts. Baghdad probably will continue trying to reconstitute its nuclear weapons program. Although no firm evidence exists that reconstitution has begun, Iraq had continued to obtain dual-use equipment ar1d to maintain its scientific cadre." • In January 2002, ar1other DIA assessment said, "Persistent procurement efforts to acquire approximately 60,000 aluminum alloy tubes, coupled with recent statements by Saddam to the Iraqi Atomic Energy Commission, suggest an intent to reconstitute the nuclear program." • In September 2002, a DIA Key WMD Operational Support study on Iraq said "Iraq likely revitalized its nuclear weapons program shortly after the end of UNSCOM inspections ended in December 1998. There is no firm evidence of a current nuclear weapon design effort, but we judge that continued procurement of dual-use nuclear-related items, the assignment of key personnel to nuclear weapon-capable sites, construction at nuclear facilities, ar1d Saddarn’s interactions with the Iraqi Atomic Energy Commission all indicate that Iraq revitalized its nuclear weapon program after 1998." • CIA SPWR 9/11/2002 — "Saddarn’s exhortations to his nuclear Mujahidin, periodically reported in the Iraqi press since 1998, are the most compellir1g indicator that his nuclear weapons work resumed in 1998, when inspectors were ordered out of Iraq." • DIA assessment September 2002, "The renewed regular contact between Saddam ar1d the IAEC, as well as the enhanced security, suggests the IAEC is again the focal point of Saddarn’s nuclear prograrn." • July 22, 2002, DOE assessment "Nuclear Reconstitution Efforts Underway‘?" said, "Aecording to Iraqi press reports, Saddam recently met with personnel from the IAEC. He reportedly commended the staff for their efforts ‘to make science serve the programs of comprehensive development, which are under way in Iraq despite the circumstances of the wicked embargo.’ The staff was referred to in the press report as mujahidin . . . These meetings indicate that Saddam continues to place a high priority on a potential nuclear option for his strategic goals." 121

 

  • Amendment 22 ) Page 9, fourth full paragraph —At the time of the President ’s address t0 the General Assembly, the intelligence community had not changed its judgment that it would take Iraq at least several years to produce enough fissile material for a nuclear weapon (five to seven years ’ was the commonly cited timeframe, though a September 2002 DIA report judged that it could be done in four), and that Iraq could build a nuclear weapon within one year q' it in some way acquired an adequate amount of fissile material from a foreign source. Amendment 22(a) — strike it would take Iraq at least several years to produce enough fissile material for a nuclear weapon (five to seven years ’ was the commonly cited timeframe, though a September 2002 DIA report judged that it could be done in four), and that Comment- The beginning of this sentence is not related to t.he President’s comments. He said what Iraq could do should it "acquire" Hssile material. How long it would take Iraq to indigenously produce fissile material is irrelevant. In addition, since t.he 2000 ICA did not say "in some way" it should be deleted. Amendment 23 Page l0, first paragraph - Additionally, he said that there was clear evidence that Iraq was developing a nuclear weapon, declaring that 'facing clear evidence of peril we cannot wait for the final proof- the smoking gun — that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud. Amendment 23 — Strike there was clear evidence that Iraq was developing a nuclear weapon, declaring that Comment- None of the statements cited in t.he report hom the Cincinnati speech quote t.he President saying that "there was clear evidence that Iraq was developing a nuclear weapon." The report should simply say what the President said. _ 122
 
IIa  110th Congress S. Report 2nd Session SENATE 110- REPORT ON WHETHER PUBLIC STATEMENTS REGARDING IRAQ BY U.S. GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS WERE SUBSTANTIATED BY INTELLIGENCE INFORMATION together with ADDITIONAL AND MINORITY VIEWS June _2008. - Ordered to be printed   
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Link Deborah Jeane Palfrey CIA, Foggo, Wilkes,  Hookergate and Gov, Bob Ehrlich ... and Cheney, 911, Iran Attack?

 

 

Mukasey, Schumer, Feinstein, Conflict of Interest 

 

Amendment 26 Page l0, third paragraph — State/INR dissentedfrom the majority view, and stated in the NIE that the available evidence did “not add up t0 a compelling case for reconstitution " of an Iraqi nuclear weapons program. Amendment 26 — strike State/INR dissentedj$·om the majority view, and stated in the NIE that the available evidence did “not add up to a compelling case for reconstitution " of an Iraqi nuclear weapons program. and insert State/INR dissented from the ma 'ori view and stated in the NIE ke 'ud ents that "the activities we have detected do not however add p to a com ellin case that Ira is currentl ursuin what INR would consider to be an inte ated and com rehensive a roach to a uire nuclear wea ons." In the main text of the NIE INR assessed that the available evidence did "not add p to a com ellin case for reconstitution" of an Ira i nuclear wea ons ro am. In the President’s summ of the NIE INR offered another version of its 'ud ent statin that "INR `ud es that the evidence indicates at most a limited Ira i nuclear reconstitution effort." Comment - Because this section of the report is being used to consider whether the President’s statements were substantiated by intelligence, we believe it is appropriate to include the President’s summary of the NIE, a document specifically prepared for and briefed to the President. The President’s summary of the NIE said, "Most agencies judge that Iraq is reconstituting a nuclear weapons program. INR judges that the evidence indicates, at most, a limited Iraqi nuclear reconstitution effort." In addition, the key judgments of the NIE said, "The activities we have detected do not, however, add up to a compelling case that Iraq is currently pursing what INR would consider to be an integrated and comprehensive approach to acquire nuclear weapons." All of these are slightly different and should be included to show what was available to the President. Amendment 28 Page l0, fourth paragraph — Construction at sites known to have been part of Iraq ’s pre—GuU War nuclear weapons program was mentioned in earlier assessments (though not specyically in the NIE). Amendment 28 — strike (though not specyically in the NIE). and insert includin ir1 the NIE. Comment — The comment in the report is incorrect. Construction activity at Tuwaitha, a facility associated with Iraq’s pre Gulf war nuclear program was discussed in the 2002 NIE on page 24. This should be noted in the report. 123

Amendment 29 Page 10, last paragraph — State/INR ’s alternative views, which were incorporated in the NIE, said that State/INR accepted “the view of technical experts at the Department of Energy " who concluded that the aluminum tubes were ’poorly suited " for a nuclear weapons program. The alternative views also cast doubt on the judgment that other dual-use procurement ejjzorts were related to a nuclear program, and went on to say that “the information we have on Iraqi nuclear personnel does not appear consistent with a coherent ejjzort to reconstitute a nuclear weapons program. Amendment 29 — At the end of the paragraph insert ln the President’s summ of the NIE NR said it `ud es that the evidence indicates at most a limited Ira i nuclear reconstitution eHort." Comment - Again, we believe that if the Committee is going to compare intelligence to statements made by the President, it should include the President’s summary of the NIE. _ 124

_ Amendment 30 Page II, first paragraph - The majority view of the NIE assessed that Iraq would be able to produce a nuclear weapon in five to seven years, and posited a “much less likebr scenario " in which production time could be shortened to three to five years. The majority view also assessed that y' Iraq acquired fissile material from an outside source that production time could be "within several months to a year", but noted that Iraq did not appear to have a "systematic ejfort to acquire foreign fissile materials from Russia or] other sources. " State/INR said that it could not predict when Iraq might acquire a nuclear weapon, since it lacked persuasive evidence of a reconstituted nuclear program. Amendment 30 - strike The majority view of the NIE assessed that Iraq would be able to produce a nuclear weapon in five to seven years, and posited a "much less likely scenario" in which production time could be shortened to three to five years. The majority view also assessed that Iraq acquired fissile material from an outside source that production time could be “within several months to a year", but noted that Iraq did not appear to have a “systematic efort to acquire foreign fissile materials j$·om Russia or] other sources. " State/INR said that it could not predict when Iraq might acquire a nuclear weapon, since it lacked persuasive evidence of a reconstituted nuclear program and insert The NIE ke `ud ents said "if Ba dad a uires sufficient fissile material from abroad it could make a nuclear wea on within several months to a ear." The main text of the NIE added "althou we have seen onl a few Ira i attem ts to a uire material from abroad those efforts do not seem to be p of s sternatic effort to a uire forei Hssile materials from Russia or other sources." State/INR said that it could not redict when Ira gl; a uire a nuclear wea on since it lacked ersuasive evidence of a reconstituted nuclear ro am. Comment - The paragraph as drafted distorts the NIE’s key judgments which actually listed the assessment that Iraq could build a weapon in one year as the first bullet point. The characterization in the report makes it sound like an afterthought or as if it was the last and, therefore, most minor issue the NIE considered, which it was not. Also, how long it would take Iraq to indigenously develop Hssile material was irrelevant to what the President was talking about. He specihcally said he was discussing how long it would take Iraq to build a weapon if it "acquired" fissile material. Also, it should be clear that the detail about not detecting a systematic effort was from the main body of the NIE, not the key judgments. 125

Amendment 31 Page 11, second paragraph — In the President ’s 2003 State of the Union Address, he stated that Iraq had pursued nuclear weapons even while weapons inspectors were in Iraq. He also said that the Iraqi regime had attempted to purchase aluminum tubes that could be used in a nuclear program, and that “the British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought signqicant quantities of uranium ]$·om Africa. " While the intelligence community assessed that Iraq had initialhw attempted to continue its nuclear weapons program following the imposition of post-Guy' War sanctions, most agencies believed that the MEA and UNSCOM had succeeded in destroying or neutralizing Iraq ’s nuclear in]$·astructure, and that the regime did not resume its pursuit of nuclear weapons until December 1998, when UNSCOM inspectors le]? the country. Amendment 31 — insert after the first paragraph above He noted that Saddam "has not credibl ex lained these activities." Strike the second paragraph and insert The intelli ence communi assessed that Ira had initiall attem ted to continue its nuclear wea ons ro a.m followin the im osition of ost—Gu1f War sanctions. In Se tember 2002 the DCI submitted testimon to Con ess that "revelations after the Gulf war starkl demonstrated the extent of | Ira ’s denial . . . The IAEA did not reco `ze on oin uranium emichment activities" at two sites ins ected y the IAEA. Most a encies believed that the IAEA and UNSCOM had succeeded in destro ` or neutralizin Ira ’s nuclear infrastructure in the mid—1990s. Comment- None of the above discussion from the report is relevant to what the President said. He said that Iraq had pursued a nuclear weapons program while inspectors were in Iraq. This statement is substantiated by intelligence. Director Tenet’s submitted testimony to the SSCI and SASC from September 2002 notes that, "Revelations afier the Gulf war starkly demonstrated the extent of that denial. Based on CIA briefings about two suspect nuclear sites, the IAEA inspected Tuwaitha and Tarmiyah in rnid-May 1991. The IAEA did not recognize on oin uranium enrichment activities using Electromagnetic Isotope Separation at these sites, as neither it nor the US intelligence community anticipated such work was underwa ." This testimony makes it clear that the intelligence community did say that Iraq’s nuclear progra.m continued while inspectors were in Iraq. Current views of reconstitution and views of whether the IAEA and UNSCOM stopped those activities are irrelevant to the analysis. Finally, there is no citation for these claims at all. 126

_ Amendment 32 Page ll, fourth paragraph — The October 2002 NYE contained an annex on the high-strength aluminum tubes. Although all the intelligence agencies agreed that the aluminum tubes were a dual—use technology, DOE and State/INR assessed that it was unlikely that the tubes were being used for nuclear weapons-related purposes. Other agencies concurred with the majority view, which cited the aluminum tubes as the primary evidence of an ongoing nuclear weapons program. Neither the concurring nor dissenting agencies changed their view between the publication of the NIE and the invasion of Iraq. Amendment 32 — strike the above paragraph and insert - Ir1 the October 2002 NIE all intelli ence a encies a eed that the aluminum tubes could be used for nuclear wea ons and that Ira was r uired to declare the im orts and sub ` ect them to UN/IAEA monitorin but DOE and State/INR assessed that it was unlikel that the tubes were intended to be used for nuclear wea ons-related u oses. On December 17, 2002 CIA re ared an anal sis of Ira ’s wea ons declaration which noted that it "fails to acknowled e or ex lain rocurement of gl; s ecihcation aluminum tubes we believe suitable for use in as centrifu e uranium enrichment effort" and "fails to acknowled e efforts to rocure uranium from Ni er as noted in the UK dossier." Comment- The President was discussing the fact that Iraq was importing aluminum tubes it was prohibited from importing and that it had not credibly explained these activities. He did not say these items were part of a reconstituted nuclear program, only that Iraq had not credibly explained why it was importing such materials. Intelligence noting that all agencies assessed the aluminum tubes could be used for nuclear weapons and were prohibited items is more relevant to the statement in question. 127

Amendments 33 and 34 Page ll, last paragraph — An unclassyied British white paper from September 2002 had assessed that Iraq had sought large quantities of natural (non-enriched) uranium from Africa. This was echoed by a statement in the NIE, which said “Iraq also began vigorously trying to procure uranium ore and yellowcake; acquiring either would shorten the time Baghdad needs to produce nuclear weapons. " This was not cited by the NIE as key evidence for an ongoing nuclear program. State/INR ’s alternative views said that “the claims of Iraqi pursuit of natural uranium in Africa are, in INR ’s assessment, highly dubious. " Amendment 33 — strike This was echoed by a statement and insert This assessment was also included Amendment 34 - strike This was not cited by the NIE as key evidence for an ongoing nuclear program. Comment- We suggest not using the word “echoed" which makes it sound like the intelligence community took the idea from the British White Paper, which was not the case. In addition we do not think the characterization of "key evidence" is accurate (we do not think the NIE used the term evidence) and the President did not say it was key evidence of reconstitution so this sentence is irrelevant. 128

_ Amendment 38 Page 13, last paragraph — On September 8, 2002, the National Security Advisor said that the aluminum tubes sought by Iraq "are only realbv suited for nuclear weapons programs Although both the CIA and DIA had assessed that the aluminum tubes were intended for a nuclear weapons program (with the CIA noting that the tubes were “best suited " for centry'uges, and that other explanations were “inconsistent with the total body of intelligence the DOE had assessed that this was unlikely, and had published intelligence reports explaining why it was possible (and, in the DOE ’s view, more likely) that the tubes were intended to be used to build conventional rockets. Amendment 38 — strike Although both the CIA and DLA had assessed that the aluminum tubes were intended for a nuclear weapons program (with the CIA noting that the tubes were “best suited "for centry'uges, and that other explanations were "inconsistent with the total body of intelligence the DOE had assessed that this was unlikely, and had published intelligence reports explaining why it was possible (and, in the DOE ’s view, more likely) that the tubes were intended to be used to build conventional rockets. and insert Both the CIA and DLA had assessed that the aluminum tubes were intended for a nuclear wea ons ro am with the CIA notin that the tubes were "best suited” for centrifu es and that other ex lanations were "inconsistent with the total bod of intelli ence.” ln A ril 2001 CIA ublished a a er which said "Ira is gyg ng to urchase items that have little use other than for a uranium enrichment ro am." In Au st 2002 CIA ublished another a er which said "A1thou we have considered alternative ex lanations for the tubes — such as their use in multi le rocket launchers Q ) — CIA concurs with ound forces wea ons ex erts in the lntelli ence Communit that such an ex lanation is inconsistent with the overall bod of intelli ence on the sub 'ect." More than a ear earlier the DOE ublished an assessment that said an a lication other than centrifu e use was "more likel ’ but noted that "re ardless of end use the delive of aluminum tubes with the r orted s eciiications to Ira would be rohibited” items under the Nuclear Su liers Grou and UN Securi Council Resolutions. Comment- We believe the report as drafted excludes relevant information which was far more likely to have been provided to Secretary Rice than a DOE assessment published a year earlier. These should be included andlDOE’s judgments should be put in its own words, rather than those of the report authors. DOE used the words "more likely" not ‘“unlikely. • CIA, SEIB 01-083CHX April 10, 2001, "Iraq is trying to purchase items that have little use other than for a uranium enrichment program.” • CIA, August 2002, "A1though we have considered alternative explanations for the tubes — such as their use in multiple rocket launchers (MRLs) — CIA concurs with ground forces weapons experts in the Intelligence Community that such an explanation is inconsistent with the overall body of intelligence on the subj ect." _ 129

_ Amendment 39 Page 14, second non-bullet paragraph — - Intelligence obtained after the Guy War indicated that Iraq had developed two designs for nuclear weapons. Both apparently failed to meet key Iraqi objectives — the smaller of the two had an estimated yield of less than _ and the larger of the two, which had an estimated yield of- could not be delivered by missile. Amendment 39 — strike - Intelligence obtained after the Guhf War indicated that Iraq had developed two designs for nuclear weapons. Both apparently failed to meet key Iraqi objectives — the smaller of the two had an estimated yield of less than _ and the larger of the two, which had an estimated yield of- could not be delivered by missile. and insert 1 Numerous intelli ence assessment noted that Ira had develo ed two desi s rior to the Gulf War. Accordin to a 1999 IC nuclear assessment "nuclear desi efforts from 1988 throu mid-1990 were focused rimaril on conce ts and in 1990 Ira be an to ex lore more advanced desi s to ermit smaller size and hi er g eld." Comment- - The Secretary’s comments were made prior to the publication of the NIE, so the citation of the NIE here is irrelevant. The Committee should include intelligence assessments which were published before the statement in question such as the following: • "By 1991, Iraq had demonstrated sufficient calculational capability and an understanding of high-explosive systems to design devices with yields of as much as - for large diameter weapons and as much as _ for more advanced designs." PWR031202- 12 • 1999 JAEIC assessment- "According to all available information, nuclear desi efforts from 1988 through mid-1990 were focused primarily on - concepts and, in 1990, Iraq began to explore more advanced designs to permit smaller size and higher yield." • 1999 DIA assessment, DoD Futures Intelli ence Pro am, "It reviousl erformed field • March 14, 2002 SPWR, Iraq: Nuclear Weapon Design Program PubNo.· SPWR031402- 02, According to Iraqi-supplied documents, seized Ir i documents, and re ortin from Iraqi defectors, Iraq by early 1991 had researched desi and had conducted substantial work on an advanced esign 130

Amendments 41 and 41 a Page 14, last paragraph — In September 2002 the Vice President stated that there was “irrefutable evidence " that Iraq had reconstituted a nuclear weapons program. As noted, several intelligence agencies assessed that reconstitution was underway, but the Department of Energy assessed that the evidence was less conclusive (State/INR agreed with the Department of Energy, but had not published any reports on the topic outside of the State Department at that poinU. Amendment 41 — strike but the Department of Energy assessed that the evidence was less conclusive. and insert . In an assessment in Au st 2002 the DOE said multi le-source re ortin su ests that Saddam Hussein is seekin to reconstitute Ira ’s nuclear wea ons ro am. Althou the re ortin roduces no "smokin n " continued vi `lance is re uired re ardin Ira ’s attem ts to re `uvenate its nuclear wea ons ro am." At hearin before the SSCI in S tember 2002 however the DCI testified that "Ira ’s a essive ursuit of gh stren aluminum tubes rovides com ellin evidence that Saddam is attem tin to reconstitute a uranium enrichment effort for Ba dad’s nuclear wea ons ro am." No dissentin o inion re ardin reconstitution was included in this testimon and the DOE witness testified that his a enc had no disa eement with testimon resented about Ira reconstitutin its nuclear ro am. Amendment 4-1(a) — strike (State/INR agreed with the Department of Energy, but had not published any reports on the topic outside of the State Department at that poinU. Comment — Testimony from the DCI on September 17, 2002 to the SSCI and the SASC says "Iraq’s aggressive pursuit of high-strength aluminum tubes provides compelling evidence that Saddam is attempting to reconstitute a uranium enrichment effort for Baghdad’s nuclear weapons program? There are no dissenting views mentioned on reconstitution during this testimony at all. The DOE never used the words "less conc1usive." We also note that State/INR could not possibly convey an agreement with DOE to policymakers if it did not publish a judgment. In addition, this information was added to the report after the majority imposed amendment filing deadline, without the permission of the minority, which is inappropriate. 131

Amendment 42 Page 15 - Conclusion 1: Statements by the President, Vice President, Secretary of State and the National Security Advisor regarding a possible Iraqi nuclear weapons program were generally substantiated by intelligence community estimates, but did not convey the substantial disagreements that existed in the intelligence community. Prior to the October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate, some intelligence agencies assessed that the Iraqi government was reconstituting a nuclear weapons program, while others disagreed or expressed doubts about the evidence. The Estimate itself expressed the majority view that the program was being reconstituted, but included clear dissenting views from the State Department ’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research, which argued that reconstitution was not underway, and the Department of Energy, which argued that aluminum tubes sought by Iraq were probably not intended for a nuclear program. Amendment 42 — strike the conclusion as drafted and insert All olic aker statements reviewed in this section were substantiated y the available intelli ence. Comment- It is impossible for us to properly analyze the claims in this conclusion without knowing which specific statements the report is referencing. Also, it is incorrect to say that "others" disagreed or expressed doubts about the evidence of a reconstituted nuclear program. At most, only one agency expressed any doubt about the reconstitution judgment and not in any document published outside its own agency prior to publication of the NIE. Although not stated definitely we believe that the statements this conclusion is referencing were made prior to the ‘ publication of the NIE, so the inclusion of INR’s dissent referenced in the NIE is irrelevant and unfair to those speakers. Additionally, it is misleading to discuss DOE’s dissent on the aluminum tubes but not include the fact that DOE agreed that Iraq was reconstituting its nuclear program. Amendment 43 Page 16, Postwar Findings — entire section. Amendment 43 —- strike the postwar findings section Comment - None of the postwar Endings has citations so we cannot check their accuracy. Even with citations, we do not believe that postwar findings are in any way relevant to whether policymakers statements made prior to the war were substantiated by intelligence available at the time. This information was already reported in another Phase II report, is unnecessary, and is likely to confuse readers who may think statements are unsubstantiated if they turned out to be wrong. 132

Amendment 54 Page 26, third paragraph - The DIA issued a report in February 2003, Iraq.· Denial and Deception: Iraqi Countertargeting Strategy, that stated it was standard denial and deception practice for Iraq to place various military hardware in, among other things, ‘palm and date tree groves ..., " but this report was issued ajier Secretary Powell ’s speech and did not mention biological weapons. There was operational intelligence trajjzic on this issue prior to the Secretary ’s speech, but the Committee is not aware of prior analytical assessments. Amendment 54 — Strike the above paragraph and insert The CIA rovided an intelli ence re ort for use in Secret Powell’s UN s eech which said that an lra i missile bri ade commander su ervised the dis ersal of his bri ade’s al Samoud and Ababil-100 missiles in order to hide them from UN ins ectors. The re ort said that some of the missiles had warheads containin an ‘“unknown biolo ` cal a ent’ and that the missiles were hidden in "lar e alm oves." Comment- The document which we asked the drafters to incorporate is not "operationa1 intelligence traf’ric" as stated in the report. lt is a TD (telegraphic dissemination), or intelligence report, and it was provided to the Committee by the CIA when the Committee asked specifically what information it provided to Secretary Powell for use in this speech. The fact that the Committee is unaware of "analytical assessments" is irrelevant, because the Committee agreed to use "intelligence" to compare to statements, not just "ana1ytic assessments." This report was included in the Committee’s Erst Iraq report on page 243 and should be included in this report as well. 133

_ Amendment 58 Page 28, BW Conclusions — Conclusion 2: Statements in the major speeches analyzed as well additional statements, regarding Iraq ’s possession of biological agent, weapons, production capability, and use of mobile biological laboratories were substantiated by intelligence information. Intelligence assessments from the late J 990s through early 2003 consistently stated that Iraq retained biological warfare agent and the capability to produce more. Assessments on the mobile facilities included the production capabilities of those labs, both in terms of type of agent and in amount. Prior to the October 2002 NIE, some intelligence assessments lef open the question as to whether Iraq possessed biological weapons or that it was activebi producing them, though other assessments did not present such uncertainties. Policymakers did not discuss intelligence gaps in Iraq ’s biological weapons programs, which were explicit in the October 2002 NIE. Amendment 58 — Strike Prior to the October 2002 NIE, some intelligence assessments lef open the question as to whether Iraq possessed biological weapons or that it was actively producing them, though other assessments did not present such uncertainties. Policymakers did not discuss intelligence gaps in Iraq ’s biological weapons programs, which were explicit in the October 2002 NIE. Comments — We do not think that the report has given any examples of intelligence assessments prior to the 2002 NIE which "left open the question as to whether Iraq possessed biological weapons or that it was actively producing them" except the 2000 ICA, which was published more than two years before the policymakers’ statements were made and before any of them entered office. In addition, we do not believe there were any intelligence gaps articulated in the October 2002 NIE about Iraq’s BW program, with the possible exception of a lack of understanding of the specifics about the types of weapons and biological agents that analysts stated were in the possession of the Iraqi government. If the report drafters think there are such gaps they should be described in the report. Amendment 59 Page 28, Postwar Intelligence, entire section Amendment 59(a) — Strike the postwar findings section. Comment - We do not believe that postwar findings are in any way relevant to whether policymakers’ statements made prior to the war were substantiated by intelligence available at the time. This information was already reported in another Phase II report, is unnecessary, and is likely to confuse readers who may think statements are unsubstantiated if they turned out to be wrong. 134

_ Amendment 68 ‘ Page 37-38, Conclusions — Conclusion 4: Statements by the President and Vice President prior to the October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate regarding Iraq ’s chemical weapons production capability and activities did not reflect the intelligence community ’s uncertainties as to whether such production was ongoing. The intelligence community assessed that Saddam Hussein wanted to have chemical weapons production capability and that Iraq was seeking to hide such capability in its dual use chemical industry. Intelligence assessments, especially prior to the October 2002 NIE, clearly stated that analysts could not confirm that production was ongoing. Amendment 68 — Strike the above conclusion and insert Conclusion 4: Statements y senior olic akers re ardin Ira ’s chemical wea ons roduction ca abili and activities were all substantiated y intelli ence information. - Comment- We dispute several of the contentions in this conclusion. The intelligence community assessed both before and alter the NIE that Iraq had a chemical weapons production capability, not just that Saddam wanted one. (See the CIA SEM Dec 2001 — "Iraq in the past several years has rebuilt a covert chemical weapons production capability by reconstructing dual- use industrial facilities and developing new chemical plants .... ") Most of the assessments which judged that actual production was ongoing were contemporaneous with the NIE or slightly prior (see Tenet’s testimony to the Senate Armed Services Committee and SSCI below and the unclassified White Paper), but not all of them. More importantly, prior to the production of the NIE, no policymakers said that production was ongoing. If the report concludes that such statement is not substantiated, the report should clearly identify it so that it can be analyzed. • We assess that Iraq retains a stockpile of at least 100 tons of agent . . . Moreover, Iraq is rebuilding former chemical weapons facilities, developing plants, and trying to procure chemical warfare-related items covertly . . . Based on these construction and procurement activities, we assess that Iraq has a covert chemical wea ons roduction ca abili embedded in its civilian indus . Tenet testimony before SASC and SSCI September 16, 2002. • The main production building at Ira ’s Fallujah III chemical plant appears to have resumed operation, according to h . . . The Intelligence Community suspects this site supports production of CW precursors as well as the biological warfare agent ricin, extracted from castor oil beans. INR, Iraq: Suspect CB WProduction Facility Active, November 5, 200]. _ 135

Amendment 69 Page 38, Postwar Findings section Amendment 69 — Strike the postwar findings section. Comment - We do not believe that postwar findings are in any way relevant to whether policy1nakers’ statements made prior to the war were substantiated by intelligence available at the time. This information was already reported in another Phase II report, is unnecessary, and is likely to mislead readers who might think statements are unsubstantiated if they turned out to be wrong. Amendment 70 _ Page 40, second f11ll paragraph, (Scope Note) Scope Note: The term ‘weapons of mass a’estruction' (or ‘WIMDQ is commonly used to refer collectively to nuclear, biological and chemical weapons. Amendment 70 - Strike the scope note paragraph and insert Accordin to the October 2002 Ira WMD 'White Pa er Ira ’s biolo ` cal chemical ballistic missile and nuclear wea ons ro arns were collectivel referred to as wea ons of mass destruction { WMQ) Comment! Suggestion — We disagree that the intelligence community’s use of the term "WMD" excluded ballistic missiles and other WMD delivery vehicles. The Iraq WMD White Paper (or unclassified NIE) specifically states, "The Gulf war damaged Saddam Husayn’s biological, chemical, ballistic missile, and nuclear weapons programs, collectively referred to as weapons of mass destruction (WIv D)." The 2002 classified NIE on Iraq’s WMD programs included four categories including delivery systems. The report’s definition of what is included in the term WMD is incorrect and should include delivery systems. 'While this report’s inclusion of the DOD’s definition of WMD is interesting, this report is examining intelligence community judgments, not DOD’s. What matters is what the intelligence community included in defining WMD in 2002 which, the above reference to the NIE and White Papers makes clear, included delivery systems. _ 136

_ Amendment 71 and 71 a Page 40, last full paragraph - In the Vice President’s August 2002 speech on Iraq, he stated that “there is no doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons of mass destruction, " and that “there is no doubt he is amassing them". He also quoted a former Secretary of State referencing “the imminence of prolq’eration of weapons of mass destruction " with regard to Iraq as evidence that preemptive action was necessary. As noted, the term ‘weapons of mass destruction ’ is commonly used to refer collectively to nuclear, biological and chemical weapons. The intelligence community never assessed that Iraq possessed nuclear weapons. Amendments 71 — Strike He also quoted a former Secretary of State referencing “the imminence of proly'eration of weapons of mass destruction " with regard to Iraq as evidence that preemptive action was necessary. Amendment 71(a) - Strike As noted the term 'weapons of mass destruction ’ is commonly used to refer collectively to nuclear, biological and chemical weapons. The intelligence community never assessed that Iraq possessed nuclear weapons. Comments — We have several comments about these paragraphs: (1) Again, as stated above and as defined by the IC, the term WMD also includes delivery systems; (2) It seems that the report is actually trying to show that the Vice President misrepresented the intelligence because he used the collective term WMD rather than specifically stating biological, chemical weapons and the means to deliver those weapons. The Vice President clearly said in the speech that Iraq was working on developing nuclear weapons—which shows there was no effort to include nuclear weapons among the WMD he said Iraq had; and (3) The use of a collective term does not indicate that all elements of that term must exist for the term to be true and the intelligence community regularly uses the term WMD to refer to some WMD elements. For example: • Tenet’s Threat Hearing testimony said: "Intelligence reporting on Saddam’s intentions to use WMD is clear and consistent .... " • CIA/NESA PC briefing book points stated that "Iraq’s activities since 1998 clearly show that it has repaired and expanded dual-use WMD facilities, increased WMD production capabilities, and advanced clandestine production and procurement." • Tenet testimony for SASC/ S SCI "Thus, experience shows that his regime will maintain weapons of mass destruction for use, not just deterrence" and "Saddam will never end his pursuit and possession of weapons of mass destruction" and Saddam "rnay decided that the extreme step of assisting the Islamist terrorists in conducting a WMD attack against the United States would be his last chance . . . ." • August 10, 2001 CIA assessment, Developing Biological Weapons as a Strategic Deterrent, stated that "Iraq is attempting to address its regional security concerns by developing weapons of mass destruction and is focusing on biological warfare (BW) agents as a strategic deterrent .... " 137

Amendments 81-82 - Page 48, third non-bullet paragraph - The Iraqi regime was known to have constructed underground facilities for a variety of purposes, but the intelligence community was not aware of any large, deeply-buried facilities. US intelligence analysts suspected that the regime might be using underground facilities to conceal weapons activities, and there was some unconfirmed reporting that suggested this, but no intelligence agency claimed to know the location of any active underground WIMD facilities, and none expressed certainty that such facilities existed. The Defense Intelligence Agency assessed in 2001 that “elements of the regime ’s weapons of mass destruction (WYMD) and ballistic missile rograms probably are located in under round facilities but iieieii iiiiii _ nor intelligence sources have confirmed any WMD- or ballistic missile related underground facilities. " An August 2002 DL4 report noted that “Iraq has reportedly rebuilt its full ojfensive B W program in well-concealed, underground, mobile or dyficult-to- locate facilities " but went on to state that “no biological weapons (BW)—related underground facilities are currently confirmed to be in use in Iraq Amendment 81-82 -— Strike the above paragraph and insert - The intelli ence communi had lon assessed that the Ira i re ` e had hardened or under ound WMD stora e facilities and W"MD facilities dis ised as civilian installations both to im ede detection y ins ectors and intelli ence services and to rotect facilities from air attack. Intelli ence a encies assessed that Ira had dee l buried under ound facilities but had not identiied y of these facilities.2O4 The Defense Intelli ence A enc assessed in 2001 that "elements of the re `me’s wea ons of mass destruction ( W MQ) and ballistic missile ro ams robabl are located in under ound facilities " notin that "numerous re orts before and after DESERT SHIELD/ STORM mentioned the existence of nuclear biolo ` cal chemical and ballistic missile roduction and stora e sites that were shallow buried UGFs or in a few instances even de under ound facilities. The assessment also noted that i

have confirmed y WMD- or ballistic missile related under ound facilities." An Au st 2002 DIA re ort also discussed r orts of shallow and de l buried biolo `cal warfare facilities. The r ort said that "des ite these man credible re orts and no functionin biolo `cal wea ons B - related under ound facilities are currentl confirmed to be in use in Ira ".2°5 Comment- Despite fixes made to this paragraph based on our earlier comments, as draiied it still is far more dismissive of the intelligence community’s assessments of underground facilities than the assessments themselves were. The reports should use the language used in the analytic papers. ’°‘N1c, Denial and Deception Nm, 1998 2°5 DIA, Iraq: Chemical Warfare Program Handbook, December l4, 2001; DIA, Iraq: Biological Warfare Program Handbook, August 2002. iii

Amendment 83 Page 48, last paragraph — page 49, Erst paragraph - In November 2002, the National Intelligence Council noted in an assessment prepared in response to a request from the Secretary of Deknse, that "all the military and regime-associated UGFs underground facilities] we have identyied thus far are vulnerable to conventional, precision-guided penetrating munitions because they are not deeply buried Amendment 83 — strike the above paragraph Comment- The November 2002 NIE was published two months after the Secretary spoke and is therefore irrelevant to what he said. In addition, only select information was taken from this NIE which gives a distorted picture of what the NIE said. The following relevant information was excluded: • "To date, the Community has located over 490 Iraqi operational UGFS associated with the military or the regime. • "We assess that Iraq has some large, deeply buried UGFS, but, because of the Iraqi denial and deception (D&D) program, we have not been able to locate any of these. • "All the military and regime-associated UGFs underground facilities] we have identified thus far are vulnerable to conventional, precision-guided, penetrating munitions because they are not deeply buried. • "The number of UGFs identified and the suspected number of UGFs still tmlocated pose problems for effective operations of any UN inspection regime."2O6 206 National Intelligence Council, Implications of Iraqi Underground Facilities for US National Security, November 2002. 139

_ Amendment 85 Page 49-50, conclusions - Conclusion 5: Statements by the President, Vice President, Secretary of State and Secretary of Defense regarding Iraq ’s possession of weapons of mass destr·uction were generally substantiated by intelligence information, though many statements made regarding ongoing production prior to late 2002 reflected a higher level of certainty than the intelligence judgments themselves. Many senior policymaker statements in early and mid-2002 claimed that there was no doubt that the Iraqi government possessed or was producing weapons of mass destruction. While the intelligence community assessed at this time that the Iraqi regime possessed some chemical and biological munitions, most reports produced prior to fall 2002 cited intelligence gaps regarding production and expressed room for doubt about whether production was ongoing. Prior to late 2002, the intelligence community did not collectively assess with any certainty that Iraq was actively producing any weapons of mass destruction. Amendment 85 — strike generally and strike everything after information Comment - We disagree with the use of the term "generally," because all of the statements were substantiated by the intelligence. Furthermore, the lack of identifying information about exactly which policymakers’ statements were viewed by the authors as reflecting a higher degree of certainty than the intelligence judgments makes it impossible for us to challenge the assertion (which we believe we could if the specific statements were identified). The conclusion is incorrect in asserting that there were "many statements regarding ongoing production prior to late 2002." This is simply false. None of the statements from this time period mentioned ongoing production at all. It is also false to state that "many senior policymaker statements in early and mid-2002 claimed that there was no doubt" about Iraq’s possession of VVIVID. Only one policymaker used the term "no doubt" during this time period and it was in August 2002, not early 2002. This type of careless review certainly will be noticed by the readers of the report and harms the credibility of the Committee. We disagree with the comment that prior to 2002 the intelligence community "expressed room for doubt" about whether Iraq possessed chemical and biological munitions and believe, even if it were true, assessments prior to 2002 are irrelevant to what policymakers said in late 2002. We also disagree with including the comment that the intelligence community did not "collectively" assess that Iraq was actively producing any WMD. Whether the intelligence community had a "collective" judgment is irrelevant. The task of this report is not to look at only collective judgments; it is to examine available intelligence. 140

Amendment 86 Page 50, conclusions - Conclusion 6: The Secretary of Defense ’s statement that the Iraqi government operated underground WYWD facilities that were not vulnerable to conventional airstrikes was not substantiated by available intelligence information. While many intelligence analysts suspected that the Iraqi government might be using underground facilities to conceal WMD activities, no active underground WZMD facilities had been positively identyfied. Furthermore, none of the underground government facilities that had been identified were buried deeply enough to be sa]% from conventional airstrikes. Amendment 86 — Strike the above conclusion and insert Conclusion 6: The Secreta of Defense’s statement that Ira i WMD facilities were not all vulnerable to attack from the air was substantiated y available intelli ence information. Comment — First, the Secretary did not say "conventional" airstrikes, he said that sites "were not all vulnerable to attack from the air." No intelligence assessments prior to the Secretary’s statement said that "none of the underground WMD facilities that had been identified were buried deeply enough to be safe from conventional airstrikes." Furthermore, the Secretary was not only talking about facilities that were vulnerable due to being deeply buried. He also discussed facilities that were believed to have been located near mosques, schools, and hospitals which made them "not vuh1erable" to airstrikes unless we were willing to possibly strike those civilian facilities. Amendment 87 i Page 50, postwar findings Amendment 87 — strike this section. Comment - We do not believe that postwar findings are in any way relevant to whether policymakers’ statements made prior to the war were substar1tiated by intelligence available at the time. This information was already reported in another Phase II report, is unnecessary, and is likely to confuse readers who may think statements are unsub star1tiated if they turned out to be wrong. 141

Amendment 90 Page 54, third paragraph - Intelligence assessments regarding UA Vs shy‘ted ajter the October 2002 NIE. A subsequent NIE, Nontraditional Threats t0 the US Homeland Through 2007, published in January 2003, did not describe Iraq ’s UA V program as 'probably intended " for biological weapons delivery, and instead stated that “Iraq may be modyjiing UA Vs "for CBW delivery. This NIE also noted that Iraqi UA Vs could reach the United States, gf they were transported (in some unspecy‘ied manner) "to within a few hundred kilometers. " Amendment 90 — strike the above paragraph and the next two paragraphs. Comment- We do not believe that a document published in January, three months after the President made the speech should be analyzed in this section. It is not relevant to what the President said in October and, even if it were, the Threats to the Homeland NIE expressed the same concems that the President addressed in his speech, that the UAVs could be used to target the Homeland. Additionally, the NIE used the term "strike" the Homeland, not "reach" the Homeland. 142

Bush / Clinton Suspicious Death List Body Count / Attack:  Aalund, James Downing; Adams, Doug, Adger, Sid; Al-huk,Mohammed Zia; Baldridge, Malcolm;Barkley, Maj. William; Baugh, Gandy; Bates, Robert; Baxter, Clifford J.; Bearden, Boonie; Boggs, Hale; Boorda, Jeremy 'Mike'; Branscum, Herby; Brown, Ron; Bunch, James; Butera, Eric; Caradori, Gary; Carnaby, Roland; Casey, William; Casolaro, Danny; Colby, William; Coleman, Suzanne; Collins,  Gregory; Curie, Betty brother Theodore Williams Jr.; Corbin, Michael; Damus, Robert G.; Davis, L. J.; Delaney, Jack; Delaughter, Doc; Densberger, Col. William; Dickson, Steve; Dutko, Daniel A.  Eisman, Dennis; Farish, William S.; Ferguson, Kathy; Ferrat, Mohamed Samir; Forrestal, James; Foster, Vincent; Fox, Cpl. Eric S.; Friday, Hershell; Fuentes, Rosa; Gandy, Baugh; Gibbs, Judy;  Gosch, Johnny; Graham, Gary; Grober, Paula; Guerrin, Larry; Haney, Staff Sgt. Brian  Harris, Lt. Col. William; Hartmann, Peter; Hatfield, James; Heard, Stanley; Herndon, Lance; Henry, Don; Hillier, John; Hamd, Riad, Holland, Don; Holton, Michael; Horton, Jake; Huggins, Stanley; Hume, Sandy; Hunt, Mrs. E. Howard; Hunziker, Evan; Ives, Kevin; Johnson, Gary; Jorton, Jake  Jerkuic, Niko; Kangas, Steve; Kelly, Col. Robert; Kelly, Shelly; Kennedy, Robert Fitzgerald; Kennedy, John F. Jr.; Kettleson, Jordan; Killian, Lt. Col. Jerry B.; Kokal, John; Koney, Kieth; bin Laden, Salem; Laughton, Johnny; Lawhon, Johnny Jr.; Lawrence, Larry; LeBleu, Conway; Letelier, Orlando; Lombardi, Mark; Luna, Jonathan; Mahoney, Mary; Martin, Florence; McCoy, Don; McDougal, James; McKaskle, Keith; McKechan, Todd; McMillan, Colin; Meissner, Charles; Merrill, Phillip; Milam, James; list compiled by Steve Francis, NewsFollowUp.com, Millis, John; Miller, Charles Milbourne; Miller, Ron;Milosevic, Slobodan; Moffit, Ronni; Mohrenschildt, George de; Moody, Neal; Moser, Tony; Nichols, Larry; Nir, Amiram; Novinger, Darlene; Olson, Paull; O'Neil, John; Palme, Olaf; Parks, Luther (Jerry); Patrick, Dennis; Perdue, Sally; Raiser, Montgomery; Raiser, Victor C. II; Reynolds, Capt Scott; Rhodes, Spec. Gary; Rhodes, Jeff; Rice, Charles Dana; Robertson, Maj. Gen. William; Rogers, Dr. Ronald; Rose, Gen. James; Ruff, Charles; Sabel, Marine Sgt, Tim; Samples, Mike; Sanford, Paul; Schoedinger, Margie, Seal, Barry; Shelton, Bill; Sleeping Indian Mountain C-130; Spence, Craig; Spence, David Wayne; Spiro, Ian; Standoff, Alan; Tucker, Karla Faye; Tilly, Paul; Tower, John Sen.; Walker, Jon Parnell; Walraven, Calvin; Watkins, James Daniel; Webb, Maynard; Weiss, Gus W.; Welch, Russel; Wellstone, Paul Sen.; Wilcher, Paul; Wilhite, Jim; Wiley, Dr. Don C.; Willey, Ed; Williams, Robert; Williams, Theodore Jr.; Willis, Steve; Wilson, John; Winters, Richard; Wise, Barbera; Yeakey, Terrance; Chinese embassy Yugoslavia: Yunhuan, Shao; Xinghu, Xu and his wife, Zhu Ying,; 9/11 WTC victims, Flight 93 victims, Flight 77 / Pentagon victims, 1 million Iraqis. Franklin Scandal Omaha, White House call boy related: Aaron Owen, Shawn Boner, Bill Baker, Newt Copple, Clare Howard, Mike Lewis, Joe Malek, Charlie Rodgers, Dan Ryan, Curtis Tucker, Harmon Tucker.  http://www.newsfollowup.com  Will the Republicans assassinate Obama? probably ... there's too much at stake and Hillary will follow their course. Clinton Death List

Amendment 96 Page 57-58 - Conclusion 8: Statements by the President, Secretary of Defense and Secretary of State that Iraq was developing unmanned aerial vehicles (UA Vs) that could be used to deliver chemical or biological weapons were generally substantiated by intelligence information, but did not convey the substantial disagreements or evolving views that existed in the intelligence community. The majority view of the October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate judged that Iraq had a UA V program that was intended to deliver biological warfare agents. Air Force intelligence dissented from this view, and argued that the new UA Vwas probably being developed for reconnaissance. The majority view of the January 2003 NIE said that Iraq “may " be modiyjring UA Vs for chemical or biological weapons, and the Air Force, Army and Defense Intelligence Agency argued that the evidence for this was “not sujficiently compelling to indicate that the Iraqis have done so. " Amendment 96 — strike generally; strike but did not convey the substantial disagreements or evolving views that existed in the intelligence community. The majority view of the October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate judged that Iraq had a UA V program that was intended to deliver biological warfare agents. Air Force intelligence dissented from this view, and argued that the new UA Vwas probably being developed for reconnaissance. The majority view of the January 2003 NIE said merely that Iraq might be modiyying UA Vs for chemical or biological weapons, and the Air Force, Army and Defense Intelligence Agency argued that the evidence for this was unpersuasive. and i11sert @ intelli ence a encies assessed that lra ’s UAVs could be used for CBW delive . Comments — Again, we disagree with the terms "generally" and we disagree that there was any disagreement within the intelligence community about whether the UAVs "could" be used to deliver CBW as the conclusion states. All agencies agreed that the UAVs could be used to deliver CBW, which is all that policymakers said. We further note that the Air Force dissent on the intended use of the UAVs was not included in the President’s summary of the NIE. 143

Amendment 97 Page 58 - Conclusion 9: The President’s suggestion that the Iraqi government was considering using UA Vs to attack the United States was substantiated by intelligence judgments available at the time, but these judgments were revised a few months later, in January 2003. The October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate noted that an Iraqi procurement network had attempted to purchase commercial mapping software that included data on the United States, and suggested that the Iraqi government was considering using UA Vs to target the US. The January 2003 NIE revised this claim, and said only that the software could be used for this purpose. The Air Force, Army and Defense Intelligence Agency dissented from this judgment as well, and argued that the purpose of the Iraqi request was to acquire a generic mapping capability. Amendment 97 — strike but these judgments were revised a few months later, in January 2003. strike and suggested and insert which the IC said su ested ‘ strike The January 2003 NIE revised this claim, and said only that the software could be used for this purpose. The Air Force, Army and Defense Intelligence Agency dissented from this judgment as well, and argued that the purpose of the Iraqi request was to acquire a generic mapping capability. Comment — We believe it is irrelevant whether the judgment later changed. This report is supposed to determine whether statements were substantiated by the intelligence policymakers had when they made the statement, not intelligence that came out later. Additionally, the President said "we are concerned that Iraq is exploring ways of using these UAVs for missions targeting the United States." This statement is not inconsistent with the NIE published in January. The IC remained concerned about this possibility. Amendment 98 Page 58, Postwar findings — entire postwar findings section g Amendment 98 — strike this section. Comment - None of the postwar findings have citations so we cannot check their accuracy. Even with citations, we do not believe that postwar findings are in any way relevant to whether policymakers’ statements made prior to the war were substantiated by intelligence available at the time. This information was already reported in another Phase II report, is Lumecessary, and is likely to confuse readers who may think statements are unsubstantiated if they tumed out to be wrong. _ 144

Amendment 99 Page 62, fifth paragraph - Finally, the President stated that Saddam Hussein was "harboring terrorists and the instruments of terror, the instruments of mass death and destruction. " While this statement was not specQ‘ic to any group, the placement in the speech and the context suggests that the President was stating that Hussein was harboring al Qaeda. The statement appeared two paragraphs after statements that “...Iraq and the al Qaeda terrorist network share a common enemy, " that some "al Qaeda leaders who fled Afghanistan went to Iraq, " and that “Iraq has trained al Qaeda members in bomb-making and poisons and deadly gases. " (These statements are discussed elsewhere in this report. ) The President ’s statement came in the same paragraph as the statement "confronting the threat posed by Iraq is crucial to winning the war on terror. " Amendment 99 — Strike the above paragraph alter the first sentence. Comment- We do not believe the President ever stated or implied that Saddam Hussein was harboring al-Qa’ida. In the referenced text he spoke specifically about harboring non-al-Qa’ida groups. We think it is stretching this project too far to not only purport to be the judge and jury of what policymakers said, but also what staff believes they "suggested" or "implied." Amendment 106 Page 65, third paragraph - The September 2002 CIA report Iraqi Support for Terrorism, which was coordinated with the DIA, stated that al-Libi said Iraq had ‘provided " unspecU‘ied CBW training for two al-Qa ’ida associates in 2000, but also stated that al Libi “did not know the results of the training. " Amendment 106 —ai°rer the sentence above insert Another version of the a er rovided to the Committee with the same date did not include the comment that al-Libi "did not know the results of the trainin ." The Committee did not ask wh there were two versions of this p p and did not ask whether one or both versions were sent to the White House. Comment - The Committee needs to get an answer about why there were two reports and find out whether both of them were disseminated. The report also should include the comments from both versions, not choose the one that best supports the point the authors are trying to make. _ 145

Amendment 108 Page 65, last paragraph — Months prior to the speech and in the latter intelligence products cited above, questions were raised in finished intelligence about al-Libi ’s credibility. Amendment 108 — insert a new paragraph before the discussion of the State of the Union which says the following: Des ite these issues when the White House submitted the s eech for CIA fact checkin and sources and methods clearances a CIA staff member told the DCI in writin that the CIA anal st had "read all the terrorism ara a hs and said it was all oka .” em hasis ori ` al (all okay should be underlined.) Comments - We know that this speech was fact checked by the CIA and we have this handwritten comment which shows that the CIA approved the language in the terrorism section. This should be stated in the report 146

_ Amendment 1 19 Page 71, conclusions - Conclusion 12: Statements and implications by the President and Secretary of State suggesting that Iraq and al-Qa’ida had a partnership, or that Iraq had provided al-Qa’ida with weapons training, were not substantiated by the intelligence. Intelligence assessments, including multiple CL4 reports and the November 2002 NIE, dismissed the claim that Iraq and al-Qa ’ida were cooperating partners. According to an undisputed INR footnote in the NIE, there was no intelligence information that supported the claim that Iraq would provide weapons of mass destruction to al-Qa ’ida. The credibility of the principal intelligence source behind the claim that Iraq had provided al-Qa ’ida with biological and chemical weapons training was regularly questioned by DL4, and later by the CL4. The Committee repeats its conclusion from a prior report that “assessments were inconsistent regarding the likelihood that Saddam Hussein provided chemical and biological weapons (CBW) training to al-Qa ’ida. " Amendment 119 —— strike the above conclusion and insert Conclusion 12: Statements y the President and Secreta Powell that Ira had rovided al- a’ida with wea ons trainin were su orted y the intelli ence. Numerous intelli ence assessments stated that Ira had rovided al- a’ida with wea ons trainin and s eciiicall trainin in oisons and ases. VVhi1e some DIA re orts raised uestions about the credibili of this re ortin and one CIA re ort noted that the source ma have exa erated his re ortin in a se arate area the CIA did not raise uestions about the source’s wea ons trainin re ortin an in fac rovided and a roved the use of this lan a e in both the President’s and Secreta ’s remarks. Comments - None of the statements provided in this report suggested or implied that Iraq and al- Qa’ida had "partnership." Additionally, while there were policymakers who commented that Iraq had provided al-Qa’ida with weapons training, those comments were fully supported by the intelligence. The al-Libi reporting on CBW training was never questioned by the CIA and the information was approved by the CIA for use in both the President’s Cincinnati speech and Powell’s UN speech. In the case of the Powell speech CIA actually provided the information to him to use in the speech in the draft of the speech the CIA wrote. Furthermore, the conclusion as drafted says that intelligence community "asses sments were inconsistent" so accordingly, how can the Committee judge policymakers to not have any statements substantiated by the intelligence? 147

Amendment 120 Page 71, conclusions - Conclusion 13: Statements in the major speeches analyzed, as well additional statements, regarding Iraq ’s contacts with al-Qa’ida were substantiated by intelligence information. However, policymakers’ statements did not accurately convey the intelligence assessments of the nature of these contacts, and left the impression that the contacts led to substantive Iraqi cooperation or support of al-Qa ’ida. Amendment 120 — strike However, policymakers’ statements did not accurately convey the intelligence assessments of the nature of these contacts, and left the impression that the .. contacts led to substantive Iraqi cooperation or support of al-Qa ’ida. Comments - We disagree that policymakers’ statements did not accurately convey the nature of the contacts or left the impression that the contacts led to substantive Iraqi cooperation. Policymaker comments throughout this section nearly exactly matched what the intelligence community said about contacts. No policymaker implied that the contacts led to any Iraqi _ support of al-Qa’ida other than the safehaven, training, reciprocal non-aggression, which is well documented in numerous intelligence assessments. Furthermore, the comments from many of the policymakers outlined in the section were factchecked by the CIA. The report should identify the policymakers and the specific statements that are judged to be misleading so that we can analyze those statements. Amendment 121 Page 72, conclusions - Conclusion 14. The Intelligence Community did not confirm that Muhammad Atta met an Iraqi intelligence officer in Prague in 2001. Amendment 121 - strike the above conclusion Comments - At the time that the Vice President commented that "it’s been pretty well confirmed that Atta] did go to Prague and he did meet with a senior official of the Iraqi intelligence service" a CIA assessment said, "The Czech governmentlast week ublicl confirmed that suspected hij acker Muhammad Atta met with former Iraqi station chief Ahmad Khalil Ibrahim Samir al-Ani in Prague before al-Ani’s expulsion from the Czech Republic last April. Al-Ani and Atta met during 8-9 April in Prague, according to a foreign government service." (Emphasis added.) _ 148

Amendment 122 Page 72, Postwar findings — entire section Amendment 122 — strike all postwar findings Comment — None of the postwar Endings have citations so we cannot check their accuracy. Even with citations, we do not believe that postwar findings are in any way relevant to whether policymakers’ statements made prior to the war were substantiated by intelligence available at the time. This information was already reported in another Phase ll report, is unnecessary, and is likely to confuse readers who may think statements are unsubstantiated if they turned out to be wrong. Amendment 125 Page 74, first non-bullet paragraph — In major policy speeches the President, the Vice President and the Secretaigv of State all discussed Iraq ’s intentions regarding weapons of mass destruction. Both the President and the Wce President indicated that Saddam Hussein was prepared to share weapons of mass destruction with terrorist groups. Amendment 125 — strike the above sentence. Comment/suggestion —None of these individuals discussed 1raq’s "intentions" regarding WMD or anything else. Both the President and the Vice President expressed concern that Saddam could share WMD with terrorists, not that he intended to do so and they did not say or "indicate" that he was "prepared” to do so. _ 149

 
IIa  110th Congress S. Report 2nd Session SENATE 110- REPORT ON WHETHER PUBLIC STATEMENTS REGARDING IRAQ BY U.S. GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS WERE SUBSTANTIATED BY INTELLIGENCE INFORMATION together with ADDITIONAL AND MINORITY VIEWS June _2008. - Ordered to be printed   

_ Amendment 126 Page 74, second — fourth full paragraphs - (U) In the Vice President ’s August 2002 speech 0n Iraq, he discussed “the case of Saddam Hussein and indicated that Saddam was ‘prepared to share weapons of mass destruction] with terrorists who intend to inflict catastrophic casualties on the United States. " (U) At the time of the Vice President ’s speech, the intelligence community did not assess that Saddam Hussein was prepared to share weapons of mass destruction with terrorists. The intelligence community had previously assessed that Saddam was interested in acquiring WMD to deter hostile foreign powers (including Israel, Iran, and the US—led Coalition) and as a means of achieving "regionalpreeminence. " (U) The intelligence community had also assessed that Saddam was unlikely to take actions that he believed would threaten the survival of his regime, and that he believed hostile actions such as a re-invasion of Kuwait would infact threaten his regime ’s survival. Amendment 126 — strike the above three paragraphs and insert In the Vice President’s Au st 2002 s eech on g, he discussed the threat of al- a’ida’s ursuit of wea ons of mass destruction. He noted that Cold War doctrines do not pp y in this scenario notin that "containment is not ossible when dictators obtain wea ons of mass destruction and are re ared to share them with terrorists who intend to inflict catastro hic casualties on the United States." S ecificall re ardin Ira "armed with an arsenal of these wea ons of terror" he said "Saddarn Hussein could then be ex ected to seek domination of the entire Middle East take control of a eat ortion of the world’s ener su lies directl threaten America’s friends throu out the re ' on and sub `ect the United States to y other nation to nuclear b1ackmai1." Comment- The Vice President did not say that Saddam was "prepared to share WMD with terrorists," nor did he indicate as much. The report should analyze what he said, not the drafters’ interpretation of his comments. The VP was talking about al-Qa’ida pursuing WMD and said that Cold War doctrines of deterrence and containment do not work against these kinds of enemies. He said "containment is not possible when dictators obtain weapons of mass destruction, and are prepared to share them with terrorists who intend to inflict catastrophic casualties on the United States." He then went on in the next paragraph separately to discuss the case of Saddam Hussein. The report should not say that he said something about Saddam when he never even mentioned Saddam at all. 150

Amend1nent 127 Page 75, last three paragraphs — In the President 's September 2002 speech to the United Nations General Assembly, he stated that Saddam Hussein was a “grave and gathering danger and that t0 assume Saddam ’s good faith would be tantamount to betting “the lives of millions and the peace of the world in a reckless gamble. " The President also implied that the Iraqi regime was dangerous because it might provide weapons of mass destruction to terrorists (“And our greatest fear is that terrorists will find a shortcut to their mad ambitions when an outlaw regime supplies them with the technologies to kill on a massive scale. In one place — in one regime — we find all these dangers .... U The intelligence community did not assess that Saddam Hussein dealt with other countries in good faith and assessments regarding the potential use of WYMD were not based on assumptions of good faith. As discussed, the 1999 NIE on Iraqi military capabilities noted that it was dyjicult to gauge Saddam ’s intentions, but judged that he would be carejizl not to put his regime ’s survival at risk. Amendment 127- Strike In one place - in one regime — we find all these dangers .... U; Strike The intelligence community did not assess that Saddam Hussein dealt with other countries in good faith and assessments regarding the potential use of WMD were not based on assumptions of good faith. and insert In a December 15 2001 assessment titled The Ira i Threat the CIA said "Saddam sees himself as a an-Arab leader and views his re ' e as the most orious cha ter in Ira i histo . . . His decision-makin is ided y o ommism distrust of others a ersonal need for ower and the sense that he is an historic fi e who must take bold risks to advance Ira ’s interests. He views state ower rimaiil in milit terms—twice launchin wars a air1st his nei bors—and his strate 'c aim is to establish Ira as the reeminent ower in the Persian Gulf." Comment- The last portion of the comment Hom the President in the second paragraph above was not referencing Saddam giving weapons to terrorists as the draft suggests. The President had explained several dangers in the previous few paragraphs including poverty and raging disease, ethnic and religious strife, and outlaw groups which accept no law and have no limit to their violent ambitions. These were the dangers he was talking about, but when the comments are taken out of context, that understanding is lost. Also, trying to contradict the President by saying what the intelligence community did not assess is ridiculous. The President did not claim that this was an intelligence community judgment. 111

Amendment 128 Page 76, first four full paragraphs - At the time of the President ’s UN speech, the October 2002 NIE was still being prepared, and was two weeks away from release. While the document itseb’ was not available at this time, its consistency with the 1999 NIE, and the lack of contradictory assessments in the intervening four year period, illustrate the continuity of the intelligence community ’s judgments on this topic. (ID The October 2002 NIE assessed that "Saddam 's past actions suggest that a decision to use WMD probabhr would come when he feels his personal survival is at stake even after he has exhausted all political, military and diplomatic options It noted that it the US would be unlikehr to know when Saddam felt that he had no other options for sefpreservation, but pointed out that “Iraq ’s methodical conventional defensive preparations alsocsuggest Saddam thinks an attack is not imminent ".2"7 (ID Additionally, the NIE pointed out that “Iraq 's historical use of C Wagainst Iran and its decision not to use VWWD against Israel or Coalition forces in 1991 indicates that an opponent’s retaliatory capability is a critical factor in Saddam ’s decisionmaking. "2"8 (U) The NIE also examined a variety of ways in which Iraq might conceivably use WAID, and noted that overall “we have low confidence in our ability to assess when Saddam would use VWWD. " Amendment 128- strike all of the above paragraphs. Comment- An NIE published after the President’s speech is irrelevant. National Intelligence Estimate, Iraq ’s Continuing Programs for Weapons of Mass Destruction, October 2002. Ibid. _ 152

_ Amendments 129 Page 76, last paragraph - While the October 2002 NIE assessed that Iraq possessed chemical and biological weapons, it judged that Saddam was unwilling to conduct terrorist attacks targeting the United States at that time. According to the NIE, "Baghdad for now appears to be drawing a line short of conducting terrorist attacks with conventional or CBWagainst the United States, fearing that exposure of Iraqi involvement would provide Washington a stronger case for making war. " Amendment 129 — strike this paragraph and the next two paragraphs. Comment- The NIE did not say that Saddam was unwilling to conduct terrorist attacks targeting the United States at that time. Furthermore, we believe all of this analysis and the analysis in the ' next two paragraphs are irrelevant and should be deleted. The President was not making a comment about what Iraq was likely to do now, he was specifically talking about the danger of waiting until Saddam had more powerful weapons which could change his calculations about the wisdom of giving WMD to terrorists. Nothing in the intelligence reporting casts doubt on the President’s comments that Iraq "could" give WMD to terrorists. Amendment 130 Page 77, second paragraph - As discussed elsewhere in this report, in October 2002 most intelligence agencies assessed that Iraq reconstituting a nuclear weapons program. The State Department ’s Oyjice of Intelligence and Research (State/INR) believed that Saddam Hussein wanted to possess nuclear weapons, and was maintaining some capabilities with dual uses, but judged that the available evidence did "not add up to a compelling case for reconstitution. " Amendment 130 — aher the above start a new paragraph and insert In a statement released y the DCI about the President’s comment he said "There is no inconsistenc between out view of Saddam’s owin threat and the view as ex ressed y the President in his s eech. Althou we think the chances of Saddam initializin a WMD attack at this moment are low-in p because it would constitute an admission that he ossesses WMD-there is no uestion that the likelihood of Saddarn’s usin W1v1D a ainst the United States or our allies in the re ` on for blackmail deterrence or otherwise ows as his arsenal continues to build. His ast use of WMD a ainst civilian and milit tar ets shows that he roduces these wea ons to use not `ust to deter. Comment- The statement released by the DCI is relevant in this section and should be included. It explains that the President’s comments were consistent with the intelligence at the time and that the President and the intelligence in question were discussing two different things. We believe it also illustrates why the entire intent section is a distortion of what the policymakers in question were discussing, which was not Saddarn’s intent at all. 153

Amendment 1 3 1 Page 77, last two paragraphs — page 78, iirst two full paragraphs — As discussed the October 2002 NIE judged that Saddam Hussein was unwilling to conduct terrorist attacks targeting the United States at that time. More generally, it suggested that Saddam would probably decide to use WI\@ only y' he jelt he had no other options for survival and that "an opponent ’s retaliatory capability" would be a key factor in making this decision. A November 2002 NIE on nontraditional threats restated the October NIE ’s assessment about Saddam ’s willingness, y' "sujjiciently desperate " to employ an outside terrorist group to conduct an attack on the US as his "last chance for vengeance. " This NIE included the caveats that the intelligence community had low confidence in this assessments, and that "INR believes that the intelligence community has no reporting to support this assertion. " The October 2002 NIE ’s conclusions were essentially repeated again in a January 2003 Intelligence Community Assessment which said that "Saddam probably will not initiate hostilities for fear of providing Washington with justdication to invade Iraq. Nevertheless, he might deal the first blow, especially y' he perceives that an attack intended to end his regime is imminent. " Neither of these reports specqically focused on what Saddam might do y' he had nuclear weapons or a 'full arsenal" of chemical and biological weapons, possibbr because the intelligence community believed that Iraq was still years away from possessing either of these. Amendment 131 — Strike the first and last paragraphs above Comment- The NIE did not say that Saddam Hussein was ‘%mwilling" to conduct terrorist attacks and the President did not say that he would, he said that he could provide a chemical or biological weapon to terrorists. _ 154

_ Amendment 132 and 133 Page 78, third full paragraph — Secretary of State ’s Address to the UN Security Council (February 5, 2003) (ID In the Secretary of State 's February 2003 address t0 the United Nations Security Council, he stated that “ambition and hatred are enough to bring Iraq and al-Qaida together, and that "al-Qaida could turn t0 Iraq for help in acquiring expertise 0n weapons of mass destruction. " Amendment 132 - insert before ambition and hatred "Some believe some claim that these contacts do not amount to much. The sa Saddam Hussein’s secular g y and al- a’ida’s reli ' ous g y do not mix. I am not comforted y this thou t. Amendment 133 — insert a new paragraph after the paragraph in Amendment 132 which says: Several intelli ence r oits described a mutual anti ath for the United States as a motivation for their contacts and dealin s includin the followin : • A ran e of intelli ence r orts indicates Ba dad and al- a’ida have been in contact since at least the mid-1990s. Mutual sus icion has blocked coo eration at various times but shared anti ath toward the US and the Saudi ro al famil has rovided a otential rationale for coo eration. CIA SPWR Ma 14 2002 • Ira ’s interaction with al- a’ida is im elled y mutual anti ath toward the United States and the Saudi ro al famil and y Bin Laden’s interest in unconventional weapons and relocation sites. in contrast to the atron-client attem between g and its Palestinian surro ates the relationshi between Saddam and Bin Laden a ears to more closel resemble that of two inde endent actors gxg gg to ex loit each other—their mutual sus icion subomed y al- a’ida’s interest in Ira i assistance and Ba dad’s interest in al- a’ida’s anti-US attacks. Jan 2003 Ira i Su ort for Terrorism p 11 • Discernin the reasons for Saddam’s contacts and dealin s with al a’ida is difficult but his main motivation ma be best ex ressed 5; the old roverb ‘the enem of y enem is y friend} The theme r eated y sources close to various levels of Saddam’s re ` e is that Saddam and Bin Laden reco 'zed the United States as a common enem that Saddam came to see al- a’ida as a force to be reckoned with and that for all their differences and mutual wariness at various times their interests coincided. — CIA in ut to Powell s eech .4 also Jan 2003 Ira i Su ort for Terrorism • Shared anti ath toward the US and Saudi Arabia rovides ossible common ound for coo eration des ite com etin ideolo ` es and mutual sus icion.June 25 2002 SPWR Iran—Ira -S ria: Willin ess to Overlook Ideolo in Iheir Relations With Terrorist Grou s Comment- The report as drafted left off relevant portions of the Secretary’s comments and excluded several intelligence reports with direct relevance to the Secretary’s comments. These should have been added. 155

Amendment 134 Page 78, fourth full paragraph - The intelligence community did not assess that Iraq and al- Qaida had a cooperative relationship. In June 2002 the CIA compared Iraq and al-Qaida to "rival intelligence services, with each trying t0 exploit the other for its own benefit. " While there was evidence of limited contacts throughout the J 990s, the CIA assessed that these ` contacts did not add up to an established relationship. In a January 2003 report the CIA noted that “Saddam Husayn and Usama bin Laden are far from being natural partners and stated that while there was little specy'ic intelligence about Saddam ’s opinion of al-Qaida, “his record suggests that any such ties would be rooted in deep suspicion. " Amendment 134~ Strike the entire paragraph Comment- Secretary Powell never said that Iraq and al-Qa’ida had a cooperative relationship and the CIA never assessed that "these contacts did not add up to an established relationship." If there is such a document, it should be cited. Amendment 135 Page 78, last partial paragraph - As discussed, the October 2002 NIE assessed that Saddam Hussein was unwilling to provide weapons of mass destruction to terrorist groups at that time, because he did not want to put his regime ’s survival at risk. It noted that information on possible training of terrorists was “second hand, or from sources of varying reliability. " Amendment 135 — Strike the above paragraph. Comment- The NIE never used the term "unwilling." Furthermore, Secretary Powell’s entire UN speech was checked by the intelligence community, and some areas were actually drafted by the CIA. Obviously the intelligence community believed it was substantiated by intelligence i because they approved it. _ 156

Arnendrnent 136 Page 82, conclusions - Conclusion 15: Statements by the President and Vice President indicating that Saddam Hussein was prepared to give weapons of mass destruction to terrorist groups for attacks against the United States were contradicted by available intelligence information. The October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate assessed that Saddam Hussein did not have nuclear weapons, and was unwilling to conduct terrorist attacks the US using conventional, chemical or biological weapons at that time, in part because he feared that doing so would give the US a stronger case for war with Iraq. This judgment was echoed by both earlier and later intelligence community assessments. All of these assessments noted that gauging Saddam ’s intentions was quite dqjicult, and most suggested that he would be more likely to initiate hostilities if he felt that a US invasion was imminent. Amendment 136 — Strike the above conclusion Comrr1ent— All of the claims in this paragraph are false. Neither the President nor Vice President said or indicated that Saddam "was prepared to give WMD to terrorist groups for attacks on the US." Furthermore, the intelligence community made no assessments about whether Iraq "could" give WMD to terrorists, so the only intelligence information that could be compared to these statements is whether the intelligence community assessed Iraq had such weapons to give, which the intelligence community did. The statement that the NIE said Iraq was "unwilling" to conduct terrorist attacks is false. The NIE never said that. This judgment was not echoed in earlier assessments at all. Amendment 137 Pages 73-83, Intent section Amendment 137 — Strike the entire intent section Comment- As discussed in several previous amendments, we believe the intent section as a whole is distorting what policymakers were arguing at the time. They were not arguing that Saddam "intended" to do any of the things they were discussing, the argument was that, after September 11, we must refocus the debate on what Saddam could do. The intelligence community had low confidence in its judgments of Saddarn’s intent which bolstered the case of policymakers that, in light of such uncertainty, the focus needs to be on capabilities. 157

Amendment 138 Page 82-83, Postwar iindings — entire section Amendment 138 — Strike the postwar findings section. Cormnent - We do not believe that postwar iindings are in any way relevant to whether policymakers’ statements made prior to the war were substantiated by intelligence available at the time. This information was already reported in another Phase II report, is unnecessary, and is likely to mislead readers who may think statements are unsubstantiated if they tumed out to be wrong. Amendment 140 Pages 84-88, Post-War Iraq section Amendment 140 — Strike the Post-War Iraq section Comments - This entire section is comparing apples to oranges. It compares statements made by policymakers discussing their opinions about postwar Iraq to intelligence unrelated to the comments made. In one case the Vice President quotes a Middle East expert, yet that comment too, according to the draft, must be substantiated by intelligence. We simply cannot expect policymakers to have their comments comport with intelligence even when their comments have nothing to do with intelligence. _ 158

Minority Views OF SENATOR WARNER I agree with many of the points made in the minority views of Senators Bond, Hatch, Chambliss, and Burr about the conduct and the content of this portion of the Committee’s Iraq review effort. I offer these views to focus on the issues which I believe are the most significant and troubling problems with the two reports released today. These concerns should be of no surprise to the Committee Chairman, or any of the Members who attended the business meeting to vote on these so-called Phase II reports, as I have made these points before. I am disappointed that the Committee missed an opportunity to have the staff work out many of the remaining problems with these reports. Staff from both sides of the aisle had commented that progress was being made and that more progress was possible, and, in fact likely, if there had been time allotted to that end. It is unfortunate that such time was not provided because many of the factual problems that remain in the reports may have been corrected. Instead, in the form voted on by a majority of my colleagues, the reports contain numerous inaccuracies, lack complete information, and are not reports that I could support. These inaccuracies are explained ir1 detail in the appendix of amendments attached to the Vice Chairman’s minority views. It is more disappointing that a motion offered by the Vice-Chairman—one I considered exceedingly important—was not given a vote or full consideration during the business meeting. The motion called for those individuals who are alleged in the reports to have made statements that were not substantiated by intelligence or to have otherwise failed in their duties, be afforded the opportunity to come before the Committee to have the opportunity to comment. In the spirit of fairness and full disclosure, these individuals should have been called to meet with the Committee long before the Chairman scheduled a vote on these reports. I believe the failure to do so was unjust to the individuals in question. One of the most fundamental tenets in our great Republic is the opportunity to confront one’s accuser. While the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence is certainly not a court of law, these reports will undoubtedly be released to the public and scrutinized, therefore, in the court of public opinion. The individuals who are named in these reports must be afforded the opportunity to be heard about their statements, about the intelligence that was available to them, and to defend themselves if they deem it necessary. I believe this is particularly important in this case, because as the Vice Chainnan’s minority views state, the reports as drafted lack important and relevant information. We know, for example, that information provided by the intelligence community for use in Secretary Powell’s speech to the United Nations, was knowingly excluded from the report. We have an obligation to ask Secretary Powell about this information and any other information the intelligence community provided of which the Committee may not be aware. Because I was so concerned about what I consider to be a fundamental issue of fairness, I urged the Committee to contact the individuals named ir1 this report, prior to its release, to allow them to at least reply to what I believe are significant accusations. Although any responses and 159

any additional information cannot be incorporated into the reports themselves, the information can at least be made pan of the record. While I do not believe this is an acceptable altemative, it will have to suflice. I have served on this Committee for many years—once as ranking member——and I believe the Committee can best serve the Senate and the public, if we can achieve a high level of bipaitisanship. The subject of these reports was a difficult challenge; but, it is behind us now and I will work with all other members to achieve bipartisan solutions in the future. Joint WARNER _ 160

_ M1NOR1TY VIEWS OF SENATOR CHAMBLISS, VICE CHA1RMAN BOND, AND SENATOR HATCH The final two Phase ll reports and the process that produced them are a great disappointment. The products are poor and the process that produced them was regrettable. Although the Minority requested to be involved in the production of these reports at the start of the 110th Congress, we were excluded from the drafting of these reports and deprived of any meaningful role in the work that produced them. We believe the Senate Intelligence Committee, above all others in the Senate, should be a Committee where Members work together absent political agendas for the good of the nation. The process that produced these reports, unfortunately, was not in keeping with that conviction, and we are disappointed with the results. We fully concur with the Vice Chairmar1’s views submitted as an assessment on the substance of the two reports; here, however, we believe it is necessary to make known our disappointment over the process by which they were produced. On February 12, 2004, the Committee voted to authorize Phase ll of this Committee’s inquiry regarding the prewar intelligence on Iraq. Many of the Committee Members’ votes in support of authorizing Phase II of the investigation were based primarily to facilitate a unanimous consensus in completing the Committee’s Phase I report. That report was fair, accurate, and thorough, and proved to be the only substantive and bipartisan portion of this Committee’s investigation into the prewar intelligence on Iraq. Since that time, rather than focusing on how to improve our Intelligence Community or placing the full emphasis of our oversight on reforming the Intelligence Community following its reorganization in 2004, the Committee has spent four years looking backwards at past events that had already been examined by the Committee and by a number of independent Commissions. In addition, this latest round of the Com1nittee’s Phase ll reports and the manner in which they were produced calls into question the integrity of the Committee to act without bias in its oversight role over the Intelligence Community. Past Committee Practice The handling of these Phase II reports represents a significant departure from past Committee practice. In the Committee’s Phase I investigation, staff briefed the Members on a proposed work plan prior to initiating the investigation. Members on both sides of the aisle had an opportunity to request directly that specific areas of concern be investigated and to frame the scope and methodology of the investigation before it even began. At least fifteen times during the staff portion of the investigation, the Members of the Cornrnittee met to receive briefings and discuss issues related to the ongoing investigation. Before the Committee scheduled a meeting to adopt the Phase I report, Members had a drait report for over five months which they reviewed and edited, and had the ability to request further information. It was only aiter at least four additional business meetings of the Committee to discuss the draits that conclusions were formulated based upon Me1nbers’ input and the Committee’s review of the text. At all times throughout this investigation, the Minority had access to, and provided feedback on, the investigative process. This is not to say that the Minority was happy with every decision the Committee ultimately made, but they were briefed fully, had their concerns addressed either 161

_ through negotiations or amendments, and along with the Majority, they unanimously supported the Committee’s report. During the Committee’s first round of Phase II reports in the 109th Congress, the Committee held at least a dozen business meetings to discuss and receive briefings on two drafts—(l) The Use By the Intelligence Community of Information Provided by the Iraqi National Congress and (2) Postwar Findings about Iraq ’s WMD Programs and Links to Terrorism and How They Compare with Prewar Assessments. Members had an opportunity to propose additions to the reports and to draft conclusions over a period of ten months before reporting them out of Committee. During these discussions, Minority concenrs and suggestions were responded to and addressed, including requests for interviews and documents. In some instances, at the request of the Minority, information was even incorporated into the reports which was not required by the terms of reference for the inquiry in order to achieve comity among the Members of the Committee. Current Phase II Reports Unfortunately, the process by which the current Phase II reports were drafted did not conform even remotely to the Committee’s previously bipartisan process. From the time the new Democrat Majority resumed the Phase II effort last year, Minority Members and Minority staff were excluded hom the process. Several Majority staff were assigned to produce the two drafts, and numerous requests hom the Minority were denied, including requests to address scope problems, requests to conduct necessary interviews, and requests to include additional information. The Majority even denied the Minority access to the draft reports until two months after the Majority had reviewed them. We believe that working together hom the start would have precluded any significant disagreement over the scope, method, and procedure for producing these reports. As it turned out, we had very little input into these drafts and were not allowed adequate time to review and comment on them. The Minority was provided with the draft reports on January 15, 2008—reports which included stajfdrajted Committee conclusions. This was particularly disappointing to us because we believe that elected members of the Senate, not a few majority staff; should be forming the final conclusions on whether the highest officials of the Republic acted appropriately with regard to pre-war intelligence. At the first Committee meeting on Phase II, action on the drafts was postponed and no substantive discussion of the drafts occurred; from the time the drafts were circulated to Committee Members to their adoption on April 1, 2008, the Committee did not hold one business meeting where the substance of the reports was addressed. This stands in stark contrast with past Committee practice. For example, in late 2005, Chairman Rockefeller, Senator Levin, and Senator Feinstein wrote to the Senate leadership stating that during the. Committee’s Phase I review the "Com1nittee members and staff were given reasonable opportunities to review the draft sections of the report early in the process and to provide input and suggest changes to the report" (emphasis added). The letter added that the "Phase II investigation is an equally substantial task, and it is important for the Committee to approach it with the same process." Unfortunately, this inclusive process was not followed by those who earlier had prescribed it. *62

Adoption of the Reports If Chairman Rockefeller had conducted the current investigation according to the framework he insisted upon in his 2005 letter, we would have few objections to this process. Due to the little input that we were allowed, however, the Minority exercised its only option and filed over 170 amendments prior to the first business meeting scheduled to consider the Phase II reports. A number of these amendments addressed clear errors and contradictions in the draft reports that should have been addressed among staff during the production of the reports. As a consequence, those amendments that pointed out clear errors in draiting were addressed before the meeting on April 1, 2008. At that business meeting, the only one held to consider the substance of the Phase II reports, the Minority still had over 100 amendments outstanding. Additionally, five procedural motions were submitted for consideration in order to eliminate the need to work through all 100 amendments. Instead of allowing any consideration of the Vice Chairman’s motions beyond the first or any of his remaining amendments, the Chairman cut off discussion and unilaterally called for a vote on Hnal adoption of the reports. We cannot think of any time in our recollection of Committee proceedings or other Senate proceedings where there has been such a disregard for the rules, procedures, and traditions of the Senate. Especially curious to us was the fact that the iinal vote was called for even though the reports were not yet iinished. Rather, alter the vote the majority made clear its intention to iinish the reports on its own. This defies basic principles of fairness and sets a dangerous precedent. Never in the history of Phase I or Phase II were Members expected to vote on a report without the opportunity to be briefed on it several times and without having months to review and amend it, let alone be called to vote on a report that was not even finished. Rules and procedures in the Senate and its Committees provide stability and legitimacy to the body’s actions. Thomas J efferson’s A Manual of Parliamentary Practice, on the importance of rules in Congress, states: It is much more material that there be a rule to go by, than what that rule is; that there may be a unyformity of proceeding in business not subject to the caprice of the Speaker or captiousness of the members. It is very material that order, decency, and regularity be preserved in a dignyied public body. If decisions are approved according to orderly and fair proceedings, then the public is more likely to accept the results of those decisions. The rules of the Senate tend to advance the Minority’s rights and prohibit arbitrary procedures. It is ironic that the Majority would act outside the rules in order to adopt reports that accuse the Administration of distorting and mischaracterizing prewar intelligence on iraq. As the Vice Chairman’s minority views point out, these reports, crafted by the Majority, fail even to achieve their intended purpose. The Senate Intelligence Committee's unanimously approved July 2004 Phase I report makes clear that flawed intelligence—not Administration deception — was the basis for policymakers’ statements and decisions. None of the facts in these last two reports changes or negates the Committee’s unanimous conclusion four years ago. 163

_ Despite the Co1mnittee’s 2004 Report, these iinal two reports attempt to distort what the Intelligence Community assessed prior to the war in order to advance a presumed, politically advantageous argument. Yet those of us in Congress examined the same intelligence as the Bush Administration, and policymakers from the Legislature also characterized lraq as a growing and dangerous threat to the United States. ln fact, the public record is replete with examples of statements by Members of Congress making the same characterizations regarding lraq’s WMD and links to terrorism: There is unmistakable evidence that Saddam Hussein is working aggressively to develop nuclear weapons and will likely have nuclear weapons within the next 5 years. - Chairman John Rockefeller, Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing, September 25, 2002. In the four years since the inspectors, intelligence reports show that Saddam Hussein has worked to rebuild his chemical and biological weapons stock his missile delivery capability, and his nuclear program . . . It is clear, however, that le]? unchecked, Saddam Hussein will continue to increase his capability to wage biological and chemical warfare, and will keep trying to develop nuclear weapons. — Senator Hillary Clinton, Statement on the Senate Floor, October 10, 2002. When you look at what Saddam Hussein has at his disposal, in terms of chemical, biological, and perhaps even nuclear weapons, we cannot ignore the threat that he poses to the region and the fact that he has fomented terrorism throughout his reign. — Senator Dick Durbin, CNN 's Larry King Live, “The Hunt for Bin Laden Intensifies; VVhat is to be done with John Walker?,” December 21, 2001. The President has rightly called Saddam Hussein ’s ejj‘orts to develop weapons of mass destruction a grave and gathering threat to Americans. The global community has tried but has failed to address that threat over the past decade. I have come to the inescapable conclusion that the threat posed to America by Saddam ’s weapons of mass destruction is so serious that despite the risks and we should not minimize the risks we must authorize the President to take the necessary steps to deal with that threat .... There has been some debate over how “imminent" a threat Iraq poses. I do believe Iraq poses an imminent threat. I also believe after September I I, that question is increasingly outdated. It is in the nature of these weapons that he has and the way they are targeted against civilian populations, that documented capability and demonstrated intent may be the only warning we get. To insist on further evidence could put some of our fellow Americans at risk Can we ajford to take that chance? I do not think we can. — Chairman John Rockefeller, Statement on the Senate Floor, October 10, 2002. Saddam fs existing biological and chemical weapons capabilities pose real threats to America today, tomorrow .... He could make these weapons available to many terrorist groups, third parties, which have contact with his government. Those groups, in turn, could bring those weapons into the United States and unleash a devastating attack 164

_ against our citizens. I fear that greatly. - Chairman John Rockefeller, Statement on the Senate Floor, October 10, 2002. Ultimately, these reports reveal a dubious agenda of vainly trying to prove the often quoted, but false, absolutely partisan, slogan, "Bush lied and people died." The Committee and the American people know full well that the intelligence on Iraq’s WMD programs was wrong, and that senior policy leaders irom both parties relied upon that incorrect intelligence to the nation’s detriment. Rather than wasting time and resources on this futile quest, the Committee should have spent, and should be spending, the full force of its oversight ensuring that the Intelligence Community does not make such egregious errors in intelligence analysis ever again. Any investigation that the Committee conducts should be done with the intention of improving the Intelligence Community and enhancing our national security. Regrettably, these reports neither improve our Intelligence Community nor enhance our national security. It is at the expense of long-standing Senate precedence and the credibility of this Committee that this futile and partisan exercise has been conducted. We believe it is vital for this Committee to return to bipartisan oversight and to depart irom such wasteful practices. Unless we do so, intelligence oversight will turn into an oxymoron. SAXBY CHAMBLISS Criiusrorinsiz S. BoND Onion G. HATCH 165

_ Am>1r1oNAL Vnzws or SENAroR Hnrcu J omni) BY Vrcn CnA1RMAN BoNn AND SENAroR BURR (U) In July, 2004, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence issued the Report on the US. Intelligence Community ’s Prewar Intelligence Assessments on Iraq, subsequently colloquially referred to as "Phase One" of the Committee’s investigation into intelligence failures related to the Iraq war. This report of over 500 pages, including 117 conclusions, was the most substantive investigation into a major intelligence failure since the original Church hearings and investigations that preceded the formation of the Committee in 1975. The substance of this report -- the careful parsing of the multiple intelligence failure -- is still being processed by the Intelligence Community and our oversight committees. This report was voted out of this Committee unanimously. The New York Times — not known for its sympathy to either the Republican administration or the Republican Senate leadership at the time — wrote: "The Senate report was remarkable both for the severity of its criticism and the fact that it reflected a bipartisan consensus rarely seen in Congress. " (Emphasis throughout is mine.) (U) Several months before the release of that report, the Committee concluded an agreement for subsequent investigations. These investigations — known since then as "Phase Two" — devolved from the beginning into partisan disagreement. The process, efforts and results under Phase Two — including the two reports that complete the process with this publication — failed significantly in achieving unanimous consensus. On no other matter subject to congressional oversight is unanimous consensus more of an indicator of success or failure than it is on oversight of intelligence matters. (U) The publication of these two reports — Intelligence Activities Relating to Iraq by the Policy Counterterrorism Evaluation Group and the Ojice of Special Plans within the Ojice of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy and Whether Public Statements Regarding Iraq by US. Government Ojicials Were Substantiated by Intelligence Information (hereafter referred to as "The Rome Meetings" and "State1nents," respectively) — came following repeated failures by the Majority to coordinate the work effort with the Minority. The decision to publish the reports was a peremptory decision by the Chairman of the Committee to terminate Minority participation in an amendment process that, while some might consider delaying by cavillation, had been well-established and productive in all previous stages of the investigation. As partisanship corrodes the value of intelligence, partisanship poisons intelligence oversight. (U) The reports, as a direct result of this unnecessarily partisan process, are inconclusive, misleading, incomplete. (For detailed substantiation of this assertion, I associate myself with the Additional Views of the Vice Chairman.) It is both sad and ironic that the impressive and historic efforts that began with the publication of Phase One in 2004 ended with a divided vote on incomplete products on April Fool’s Day, 2008. "The Rome Rep0rt" (U) An American ofricial not part of the Intelligence Community meets with a controversial Iranian in a bar. A plan is drafted on a napkin. (!) For $5 million, it is proposed *66

_ that trafiic can be jammed in Tehran. For more investment, it is insinuated that regime change can be effected. Here is the punchline to this joke: The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence investigates this as part of its review 0n Iraq intelligence failures. - The colorful scene — not an intelligence activity, according to this report, as well as common sense — occurred during the period of the "Rome meetings," which refers to several days in December of 2001 when two Department of Defense officials met with two Iranian former officials (one a member of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps and another associated with the "intelligence establishment of Iran," although the Committee’s report provides no further clarity on his association) to gather information on developments in Iran. The meeting was initiated by an American scholar from a conservative think tank, operating independently, and the Iranian ex atriate and Iran-Contra figure Manucher Ghorbanifar. The

(U) The meetings received prior approval by the National Security Council. The DoD participants were there based on their long-standing and substantive knowledge of Iran and Farsi. The American scholar had over 20 years of experience on the subject. (U) American citizens should be asked whether they would expect their government to respond to offers for substantive meetings on sensitive subjects — and Iran remains to this day a critical subject, and the desire for insights into Iran immediately following September ll would not, in my opinion, be considered outlandish. (U) The Committee report says: "The Committee’s review of applicable laws and regulations indicates that Deputy National Security Advisor Hadley and Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz acted within their authorities in directing DoD personnel to attend the Rome meeting. The final version of the Counterintelligence Field Activity’s report also identified no violations of law regarding the DoD contacts with Mr. Ghorbanifar as of the date their review was halted." (U) At this point, the reader may pause to ask: "What does this have to do with Iraq?” The terms of reference determining the scope of "Phase Two," articulated in a press release by the Committee on February l2, 2004, give no insight. The investigation into the Rome meetings was about Iran, not Iraq, and never appeared to me to be related to completing the significant investigation this Committee had conducted on intelligence failures leading to the Iraq war. In a partisan Committee, as this one has sadly become, the Majority has within its purview the ability to conduct any investigation it deems worthwhile. That it did not conduct the review into the "Rome meeting" separately from the Iraq review and instead insisted on conducting this investigation into this Rome meeting about Iran as part of our investigation on Iraq leaves the proponents of this approach explaining a rationale I cannot, in good faith, articulate on their behalf. (U) The conclusions reveal the nullibiety of the Committee’s effort. The first and third conclusions appear to give bureaucratic direction on how to hold meetings. NSC Deputy Hadley 167

_ is, according to the report, mildly chastised for failing to inform DCI Tenet and Deputy Secretary Armitage of the "full nature of the planned contact," although anyone reading the report would discern that the "full nature" was not able to be known until after the meetings were actually held. The third conclusion criticizes participants for withholding certain information about these meetings. Keeping ir1 mind that the Committee report itself makes clear the Committee’s lack of understanding of what intelligence collection actually is, and reminding one that the report cites no laws or authorities broken or compromised, the lack of complete clarity between government agencies regarding certain meetings does not by any stretch of the imagination reach to a level of "stove-piping" or other act of legitimate intelligence oversight concern. (U) What is particularly disturbing about the conclusions to this report is the bandying of the term "inappropriate." The role of the U.S. citizen playing interlocutor to these meetings is "inapprop1iate." The handling of information was "inapprop1iate." What does "inapprop1iate" mean in this context? What is the norm for "appropriate"? As government officials, we deal within the lines of authority, regulation, law. Actions can be deemed to be within or outside of those lines, when they are the latter they are unauthorized, in violation of regulations, illegal. No action reviewed in this report is so deemed. Too often these days, it seems that when one seeks to criticize without substance or standing, one is reduced to uttering that something is "inappropriate." In Washington today, this has come to be the cheap calumniation by the callow-headed. (U) Every exercise of this Committee should seek opportunities to expand the understanding of intelligence — for Members of Congress, at the very least and, when the investigations result ir1 public reports, for the public, which needs to be educated on the important role of intelligence in our democracy. Near the conclusion of this report we find, "There can be varying opinions on the extent to which the Rome and Paris meetings represented _ intelligence information collection." Couldn’t this report have reviewed and articulated the various definitions of "intelligence collection," as understood in law and tradecraft? Is a meeting between an American official who is not a member of the Intelligence Community and a foreigner "intelligence collection"? (Hint: It is not.) On another point, the CIA has, through good and bad experience, developed a formal method for labeling foreign individuals "fabricators" and "information peddlers." What is the formal procedure for doing so? What are the implications, and are there regulations, for policymakers for subsequently dealing with individuals so labeled by the Intelligence Community? In the murky world of betrayed loyalties and stolen secrets, are "fabricators" and "information peddlers" ever again worthwhile sources? Finally, what are the guidelines for CIA officers, particularly serving in Stations overseas, for obtaining information on activities of American citizens, particularly U.S. government officials? Is it ever the norm for officers to seek information on U.S. policymakers from liaison services? All of these questions, in my opinion, begged to be addressed by the material covered in this report. (U) Instead, the Committee reviewed hundreds of pages of testimony and documents on the bureaucratic results of these meetings. Ultimately, the Rome meetings went nowhere. There was no policy action — certainly no covert action — initiated or even contemplated by government officials. It was a classic Washington episode: Meetings were held, no action was taken — but an 168

_ investigation was conducted. This was an investigation which, like the meetings of officials not in the Intelligence Community not dealing with Iraq, went nowhere. "Statements” (U) There continues to be debate over whether the Committee should investigate the use of ir1telligence by policymakers advocating war in Iraq. It is questionable that, in this particular exercise, the Committee excluded for consideration Congress, which exercised its constitutional policy making authority when it voted on the joir1t resolution to authorize the use of force against Iraq in October of 2002. It is profoundly disappointing that, ir1 its illogical haste to terminate "Phase Two," the Committee’s majority made no effort to allow those in the executive it cites in this iinal report to explain how they weighed ir1telligence in the context of policy deliberation. By failing to do so, the Committee once again failed to illuminate the role the use of ir1telligence plays in the policy making process. (U) Seventy-seven Members of the United States Senate voted in favor of HJ. Res. 114, the joint resolution authorizir1g the use of United States Armed Forces against Iraq. I don’t know how many read the October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate. Those of us on the Committee were privy to hearings as well as intelligence products. Five Members of the Committee at that time (all Democrats) voted against the resolution, 12 Members voted in favor. Of the 12 Members of the current Committee present then, 9 voted in favor, 3 against (all Democrats). Of the whole Senate, one Republican voted against, 30 Democratic senators, including a current presidential contender, voted in favor of the resolution authorizing the use force against Iraq. (U) Many Members of Congress have had reason to revisit their votes, and the reasons have been varied. What is interestir1g to note is how very few have hung their votes completely on how they understood the intelligence at the time. Many Members did not avail themselves of the intelligence (others claim to have relied on their staffs’ rendering of the National Intelligence Estimate). How many policymakers relied completely on intelligence to make their policy determination? I would argue none, because if a policymaker did rely solely on ir1telligence, they would be forfeiting the wider considerations prerequisite to being a policymaker. This applies, I have no doubt, to policymakers ir1 the Administration. And this is why it is a failure of analysis, let alone of fairness, that the Committee investigation on this particular report did not even attempt to solicit &om Administration officials cited in the report their views on how they weighed intelligence ir1 the context of their deliberations. (U) The report’s conclusions articulate what is already well-known for those of us who have labored through document review of "Phase One" and have heard — originally and repeatedly — the statements of Administration officials. On matters of capability, the report concludes that statements by Administration officials were substantiated by the intelligence on questions of nuclear, biological, chemical weapons and weapons of mass destruction in general. (The report notes that some statements on nuclear capability did not reflect disagreement within the IC, some on weapons of mass destruction did not reflect IC caveats known at the time, and that the Secretary of Defense’s statement on underground Wl\/DZ) facilities’ vulnerability to airstrikes was not supported by intelligence.) On statements by Administration officials on 169

_ Iraq’s link to terror groups other than Al-Qa’ida, the statements were substantiated by the intelligence, as were statements on Zarqawi ’s presence in Iraq, and statements that Iraq and Al- Qa ’ida had had contacts. (The report notes, however, that "Statements and implications by the President and Secretary of State suggesting that Iraq and Al-Qa’ida had a partnership, or that Iraq had provided Al-Qa’ida with weapons training, were not substantiated by the intelligence." I emphasize the verb "suggesting," noting officials never "asserted" such a partnership.) Statements on Saddam’s intentions — i.e., speculation on his future actions — had no intelligence support, and policy makers appear to me to be clear in their public statements that such speculation — while certainly legitimate, given the pollyannish lack of imagination we had on the Al-Qa’ida threat prior to 9/ 1 1 — was never an established "known," but that policymakers would never again commit the absence of imagination that had allowed Al-Qa’ida to strike us unprepared. (U) That "Phase One" concluded that this consensus between statements and intelligence was not the result of pressure from officials is relevant2°9. That the overall gist of this report is that Administration officials’ statements were supported by intelligence assessments comes as no relief, considering how utterly bad the underlying intelligence was. (U) There is, in my opinion, no excusing the spectacularly bad intelligence prepared by the IC in the rim-up to the war in Iraq, particularly on the question of weapons of mass destruction. However, the IC needs to be defended in one critical aspect: bad intelligence cannot be used wholly as the excuse for the decision to go to war. To do so would be to not only blur, but to eliminate, the line between policy-making and intelligence. To eliminate that line is to do no less than corrode a fundamental pillar of a democratic society. (U) Intelligence informs policy. It does not dictate policy. The policymaker who ignores the contribution of intelligence denies a potentially valuable source of analysis on difficult subjects about which the policy maker requires the widest breadth of insight. The intelligence analyst who writes analysis without subjecting it to competitive hypothesis testing fails the policymaker. The policy maker who relies solely on intelligence should be dismissed, for they do not grasp the most fundamental truth of intelligence — that it is an attempt to penetrate denied knowledge and will almost always be incomplete. The intelligence professional who seeks to make policy should also be dismissed, for the nature of intelligence — the need to keep and steal secrets, to entice foreigners to betray their governments, and act covertly on behalf of our government — must be kept distinct from the policy process in order for a democratic society to function. By keeping that distinction clear, the different roles of policymakers and intelligence professionals are maintained. Intelligence professionals are responsible for their failures in intelligence collection, analysis, counter-intelligence and covert action. Policymakers must also bear the burden of their mistakes, an entirely different order of mistakes. It is a pity this report fails to illuminate this distinction. 209 . Conclusion 83: “The Committee did not find any evidence that Administration officials attempted to coerce, influence or pressure analysts to change their judgments related to Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction capabilities? Conclusion 102: "The Comnrittee found that none of the analysts or other people interviewed by the Committee said that they were pressured to change their conclusions related to Iraq’s links to terrorism." 170

ORRIN G. HATCH CHRISTOPHER S. BOND RICHARD BURR 171

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